From Manassas to Appomattox. James Longstreet

It seems that the “foot cavalry”38 and the reserve divisions met at the landing late in the afternoon of the 3d. The troops from the Valley district had not been engaged in the battles of the march except that of Gaines’s Mill.

      At daylight of the 4th I rode to the front, and ordered General Jackson to drive in the enemy’s skirmishers and prepare to attack. D. R. Jones’s division of Magruder’s command, coming up, was ordered on Jackson’s left, A. P. Hill’s on his right; my own division to support Jackson’s direct move for Erlington Heights. After pushing the skirmish line back, Jackson reported his troops not in condition for the work, and asked delay until the commanding general was up. As General Lee was reported near, attack was delayed, and a note was sent asking him to ride forward as soon as convenient. He rode up in about half an hour, and, after mature deliberation, decided that the attack should not be made. He reinforced his cavalry and horse artillery by a number of his choicest field batteries, and ordered General Stuart to use them against the enemy’s transports on the lower James. This expedition did some damage, but the superior batteries of the gun-boats, convoys of the transports, enabled them to maintain safe-conduct along the line of supplies and reinforcements. On the 8th he withdrew his army to points more convenient to supplies, and towards the open highway to Washington City.

      Passing in critical review the events of the campaign, they fail to disclose a flaw as it was projected by the Confederate chief. It even opened up grander possibilities than came within his most hopeful anticipations at the period of projection.

      The Union commander left his Fifth Corps engaged at Beaver Dam Creek while Jackson’s column marched by it as far as Hundley’s Corner and went into camp. The object and instructions of Jackson’s advanced echelon were to have him file in against any force that he might pass and attack it in flank and rear. If, instead of going into camp at Hundley’s Corner on the afternoon of the 26th of June, he had filed to his right behind the Fifth Corps, he would have had it surrounded by fifty thousand men beyond the reach of succor.

      He was troubled by conflicting orders. The general order for the campaign and verbal instructions were intended to supersede all others, but General Lee’s letter of the 11th was not recalled, so he marched with the two orders in his pocket, which made not a little trouble.

      Before Jackson’s army was called from the Valley, it was reinforced and organized for our working column. On the morning of the 27th of June it was further augmented by the division under D. H. Hill and Stuart’s cavalry. His line of march during the day led him around Porter’s position near Gaines’s Mill to the enemy’s right, the most favorable point for attack. He partially engaged by D. H. Hill’s division, then withdrew it, and posted his troops in a position selected to catch the Federals in their flight from A. P. Hill’s division. Finally, when Porter’s defence developed too much strength for A. P. Hill, he deployed into line of battle from left to right, overspreading the enemy’s entire front.

      On the morning of the 28th of June, General Lee thought to draw McClellan out from his works, force him to defend his base on the Pamunkey, and to so cripple him on his retreat as to warrant strong detachments from his army in the direction of Washington, and thus force him to defend his own capital.

      Before marching to the opening of the campaign, he ordered a detachment of cavalry to the south side of White Oak Swamp, under careful watch for the enemy’s movements by vedettes, even as far as Chickahominy River, so that on the night of the 27th he had a cordon of troops and vedettes extending completely around McClellan’s army. Notwithstanding precautions so carefully laid, McClellan started to march for his new base on the night of the 27th, continued his preparations and movements through the day and night of the 28th, and the first reliable information of the move towards James River came from Major Meade and Lieutenant Johnson, engineers. The information, though coming from a source least looked for, was more than gratifying to General Lee, for he thought the enemy had essayed a move not practicable; that General McClellan’s army was in his power and must be our prize, never to reach the new base.

      Just as he was mapping out orders of pursuit, a staff-officer of General Magruder’s came from the other side of the river to report the Federal army in retreat, and that General Magruder was preparing to assault the fort in his immediate front. General Lee said,—

      “My compliments to General Magruder, and ask him not to hurt my young friends, Major Meade and Lieutenant Johnson, who are occupying that fort.”

      Uniformly military, but courteous in his bearing, it was very rare that he became facetious when on parade service, but anticipations that General McClellan was soon to be his prisoner excused the giving way to impulse born of this unexpected adventure.

      Within an hour his troops on the east side were on the march for their crossings of the Chickahominy. He then rode across, gave orders to General Magruder, rode with him some distance, and repeated the orders before leaving him.

      Following up the rear-guard, General Magruder came upon it in force at Savage Station. The Second Corps and Franklin’s division under W. F. Smith of the Sixth, under General Sumner, were posted there to cover the retreat. Magruder planned battling with his own six brigades against their front, two brigades of Huger’s division to come on the enemy’s left down the Williamsburg road, Jackson’s twelve or fifteen brigades to attack their right. But when Magruder thought his arrangements complete, he received a message from General Huger “that his brigades would be withdrawn.”39

      Then other information not anticipated came to him,—viz., that General Jones, commanding on Magruder’s left, called for co-operation in that quarter. General Jackson sent word in reply that “he had other important duty to perform.”

      Referring to Jackson’s orders of the 29th, General Lee wrote General Magruder:

      “Head-quarters Department of Northern Virginia,

       “June 29, 1862.

      “Major-General J. B. Magruder,

       “Commanding Division:

      “General,—I regret much that you have made so little progress to-day in pursuit of the enemy. In order to reap the fruits of our victory the pursuit should be most vigorous. I must urge you, then, again to press on his rear rapidly and steadily. We must lose no time, or he will escape us entirely.

      “Very respectfully yours, etc.,

       “R. E. Lee,

       “General.

      “P.S.—Since the order was written, I learn from Major Taylor that you are under the impression that General Jackson has been ordered not to support you. On the contrary, he has been directed to do so, and to push the pursuit vigorously.”40

      Sumner, besides his greater force, having some advantage from the earthworks previously constructed, repulsed Magruder’s attack, and the affair of cross-purposes failed of effect.

      If Jackson could have joined against the right of Sumner with his brigades, the latter could have been dislodged, the Confederates passing the swamp with him, which would have marked the beginning of the end. The occasion was especially propitious, for Heintzelman’s corps, that had been designated as part of the rear-guard with Sumner and Franklin, through some misconception had marched over the swamp, to camp near Charles City cross-roads, leaving easy work for Jackson and Magruder.

      When, on the forenoon of the 30th, Jackson found his way across the swamp blocked by Franklin, he had time to march to the head of and across it to the Charles City road in season for the engagement contemplated at Frayser’s Farm, the distance being about four miles. General Wright, of Huger’s division, marched his brigade from the head of the swamp to Jackson’s line at the bridge, and returned, making several halts and crossings to reconnoitre.

      But little remains to be said of the engagements at Frayser’s Farm and Malvern Hill. The former was a halting failure of combination of forces; the latter an accident resulting from the armies standing close abreast many hours. Malvern Hill left out, the two armies would have mingled their lines between that and Westover during the 3d and 4th of July.

      The failure of concert of action by the Confederates should not discount the conduct