The True Life Stories of the Declaration of Independence Signers. Charles Augustus Goodrich

state of our affairs, though bowed down with a cruel disease, I have crawled to this house, to give you my best counsel and experience: and my advice is, to beseech his majesty to withdraw his troops. This is the best I can think of. It will convince America, that you mean to try her cause, in the spirit, and by the laws of freedom and fair inquiry, and not by codes of blood. How can she now trust you, with the bayonet at her breast? She has all the reason in the world, now, to believe you mean her death or bondage. Thus entered on the threshold of this business, I will knock at your gates for justice, without ceasing, unless inveterate infirmities stay my hand. My lords, I pledge myself never to leave this business. I will pursue it to the end in every shape. I will never fail of my attendance on it, at every step and period of this great matter, unless nailed down to my bed by the severity of disease. My lords, there is no time to be lost; every moment is big with dangers. Nay, while I am now speaking, the decisive blow may be struck, and millions involved in the consequences. The very first drop of blood will make a wound, that will not easily be skinned over. Years, perhaps ages, will not heal it: it will be immedicabile vulnus: a wound of that rancorous, malignant, corroding, festering nature, that in all probability, it will mortify the whole body. Let us then, my lords, set to this business in earnest! not take it up by bits and scraps, as formerly, just as exigencies pressed, without any regard to general relations, connexions, and dependencies. I would not, by any thing I have said, my lords, be thought to encourage America to proceed beyond the right line. I reprobate

      all acts of violence by her mobility. But when her inherent constitutional rights are invaded, those rights she has an equitable claim to enjoy by the fundamental laws of the English constitution, and which are engrafted thereon by the unalterable laws of nature; then I own myself an American, and feeling myself such, shall to the verge of my life vindicate those rights against all men, who strive to trample upon, or oppose them." This motion of Lord Chatham, offered not less from a regard to the welfare of England, than from a conviction of her impolitic and cruel oppression of the colonists, — and supported by all the eloquence of which that distinguished orator was master, was, nevertheless, rejected by a large majority. Although thus defeated, he was still determined, if possible, to save his country from the evils which his prophetic glance saw in certain prospect, unless they should be timely averted. Hence, shortly afterwards, he introduced into parliament his conciliatory bill. While this bill maintained the dependence of the colonies upon the imperial crown, and the right of parliament to make laws to bind them in all cases, touching the general interests of the British empire, it declared that that body had no right to tax the colonies without their consent.

      To such a proposition the ministry were not prepared to listen. They were determined to admit no bill, which had for its object the relinquishment of any of their favourite doctrines, or which, by implication, should impeach the wisdom or justice of the course they had pursued. Nay, they had now formed their plan, and were prepared to announce it. Coercion was to be their motto, until, in the spirit of submission, America should lay herself down at their feet.

      In accordance with the above declaration, a bill was soon after passed by the parliament, restricting the trade of the colonies of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-Hampshire, and Rhode Island, to Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, and prohibiting their carrying on any fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland, and other places for a limited time. The same restrictions were soon after extended to all the colonies, represented in the congress at Philadelphia, with the exception of New-York and North Carolina. By these restrictions, it was thought to starve the colonies into obedience and submission, from a mistaken apprehension that the people were dependent upon the fisheries for their support.

      It was a general understanding among the colonists, that hostilities should not be commenced by them. It was, indeed, apparent, that the day of blood was not far distant, but that blood was to be first shed by the hands of the English. In the mean time, they were not inactive in the work of preparation. The munitions of war were collected and stored at different points, as necessity and safety seemed to require. Among the places of deposite in Massachusetts, were Worcester and Concord, and thither considerable stores of arms and provisions had been conveyed.

      In the mean time, the vigilance of General Gage was not abated. Excited by the loyalists, who had persuaded him that he would find no resistance from the cowardice of the patriots, he resolved to send a few companies to Concord, in a secret manner, to seize the military stores deposited there; and either to transport them to Boston, or to destroy them. Accordingly, on the evening of the 18th of April, 1775, a detachment moved from Boston for this purpose, and the next day occurred the memorable battle of Lexington, in which the British were the aggressors, by first firing on the militia collected at that place.

      The details of this opening scene of the revolutionary war are too well known, to require a recital in this place. Repulsed, harassed, and fatigued, the British, with no inconsiderable loss, returned to Boston, after having accomplished their object.

      The provincial congress of Massachusetts was, at this time, in session at Watertown, ten miles distant from Boston. They immediately resolved that a levy of thirteen thousand men should be made. At the same time, the treasurer was directed to borrow 100,000l. for the use of the province; and they declared the citizens were absolved from all obligations of obedience to Governor Gage. As the news of the battle of Lexington spread round the country, a universal ardour inflamed the minds of the inhabitants; and shortly after, were assembled, in the neighbourhood of Boston, thirty thousand men, ready, should occasion require, to do justice to themselves and their country.

      In this critical state of public affairs, congress again assembled at Philadelphia, on the 10th of May. An official account of the late aggressions of his majesty's troops in Massachusetts, was soon after laid before them; upon which it was unanimously resolved to place the colonies in a state of defence. To the colony of New-York, which had solicited the advice and direction of congress, in anticipation of the speedy arrival of foreign troops, they recommended a course of action entirely on the defensive. They were, however, advised to remove all military stores, and to provide a place of retreat for their women and children; to hold themselves in readiness for the protection of the city; and, in the event of hostilities, to meet the enemy with promptness and decision. To some of the members of congress, it appeared desirable to make yet another attempt at reconciliation with the British government. Justice, indeed, required no such advance; and by many the measure was considered only as a work of supererogation. They were willing, however, while raising the sword with one hand, to extend the olive branch with the other; and, though driven to the necessity of forcibly vindicating their rights, they were still disposed to secure them, if possible, by a firm remonstrance. Yielding, therefore, to the pacific wishes of several members, they prepared an address to the king, by way of solemn appeal, and a second address to the people of Great Britain.

      Towards the king, they yet used the language of loyalty and affection; and assured him, notwithstanding the injuries they had sustained, and the grievous oppressions under which they were suffering, they still wished for peace; and if re-dressed in respect to their wrongs, and secured in the just rights of subjects, they would manifest towards him all the affection and devotion which a sovereign could require. In their address to the inhabitants of Great Britain, after recapitulating former injuries, and stating more recent acts of hostility, they ask: "Can the descendants of Britain tamely submit to this? No, we never will; while we revere the memory of our gallant and virtuous ancestors, we never can surrender those glorious privileges for which they fought, bled, and conquered. Admit that your fleets and armies can destroy our towns, and ravage our coasts: these are inconsiderable objects, things of no moment, to men whose bosoms glow with the ardour of liberty. We can retire beyond the reach of your navy, and, without any sensible diminution of the necessaries of life, enjoy a luxury which, from that period, you will want — the luxury of being free." They again repel the charge of aiming at independence:

      "Our enemies," say they, "charge us with sedition. In what does it consist? In our refusal to submit to unwarrantable acts of injustice and cruelty? If so, show us a period in your history in which you have not been equally seditious.

      "We are accused of aiming at independence; but how is this accusation supported? By the allegations of your ministers, not by our actions. Abused, insulted, and contemned, what steps have we pursued to obtain redress? We have carried