The True Life Stories of the Declaration of Independence Signers. Charles Augustus Goodrich

to good government, rendered essential by the English constitution, that the constitnent branches of the legislature be independent of each other; that, therefore, the exercise of legislative power, in several colonies, by a council appointed during pleasure by the crown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American legislation."

      In relation to the above particulars, they expressed themselves in the following language:

      "All and each of which, the aforesaid deputies, in behalf of themselves and their constituents, do claim, demand, and insist on, as their indubitable rights and liberties, which cannot be legally taken from them, altered, or abridged, by any power whatever, without their consent by their representatives in their several provincial legislatures."

      It was also deemed of importance to adopt measures to stop commercial intercourse with Great Britain. An agreement was, therefore, entered into, to suspend all importation of merchandise from Great Britain and its dependencies, from the 1st of December, 1774; and, unless the wrongs of which the Americans complained should be redressed, to suspend in like manner all exportation from the 10th of September, 1775, with the single exception of rice.

      At the same time it was urged upon the colonies to adopt a system of rigid economy; to encourage industry, and to promote agriculture, arts, and manufactures, and especially the manufacture of wool.

      Having attended to these important concerns, congress closed their session on the 26th of October, after adopting addresses to the people of Great Britain, to the king, and to the French inhabitants of Canada.

      The congress which then terminated its session, has justly been celebrated from that time to the present, and its celebrity will continue while wisdom finds admirers, and patriotism is regarded with veneration. The tone and temper of their various resolutions, the style of their addresses, and the composition of the several public papers, contributed, in every particular, to excite the admiration of the world. Born and educated in the wilds of a new world, unpractised in the arts of polity,. most of them unexperienced in the arduous duties of legislation, differing in religion, manners, customs, and habits, as they did in their views of the nature of their connexion with Great Britain; — that such an assembly, so constituted, should display so much wisdom, sagacity, foresight, and knowledge of the world; such skill in argument; such force of reasoning; such firmness and soundness of judgment; so profound an acquaintance with the rights of men; such genuine patriotism; and, above all, such unexampled union of opinion, was indeed a political phenomenon to which history has furnished no parallel. Both at home and abroad, they were spoken of in terms of the highest admiration. Abroad, the Earl of Chatham, in one of his brilliant speeches, remarked of them : — "History, my lords, has been my favourite study, and in the celebrated writings of antiquity have I often admired the patriotism of Greece and Rome; but, my lords, I must declare and avow, that in the master tales of the world, I know not the people, or the senate, who, in such a complication of difficult circumstances, can stand in preference to the delegates of America assembled in general congress at Philadelphia." At home, they were celebrated by a native and popular bard in an equally elevated strain:

      "Now meet the fathers of this western clime;

       Nor names more noble graced the rolls of fame, When Spartan firmness braved the wrecks of time,

       Or Rome's bold virtues fann'd the heroic flame.

       Not deeper thought the immortal sage inspired, On Solon's lips when Grecian senates hung;

       Nor manlier eloquence the bosom fired,

       When genius thundered from the Athenian tongue."

      While this congress were in session, nearly all the colonies had taken measures to call provincial assemblies, for the purpose of better securing their ancient rights of government. In Massachusetts, the people had determined to hold a provincial congress on the 15th of October, which induced General Gage, with a view to prevent the intended meeting, to convoke the general court of the province at Salem, on the 5th of the same month. Before the arrival of this latter day, however, he issued his proclamation, forbidding that assembly. The members, nevertheless, convened on the appointed day, and adjourned to Concord, where, after electing John Hancock for their president, they further adjourned to meet at Cambridge, on the 17th instant. At the latter place, they proceeded to exercise the powers of government, and to take the necessary measures for placing the province in a state of defence. They appointed a committee of safety, and a committee of supplies. One fourth of the militia were ordered to be enlisted as minute men, to be frequently drilled, and held in readiness for service at a minute's warning.

      In other colonies also, before the close of the year, the note of preparation was heard. The horizon every day became more lowering; and as its darkness thickened, the activity and vigilance of the colonists increased.

      The British parliament met on the 29th of November. The moderation evinced by the congress at Philadelphia had encouraged the mass of the American people to hope, that on the meeting of that body, conciliatory measures would be adopted, so as to restore peace and harmony between the two countries. Similar sentiments were entertained by the friends of America, in England. They saw nothing in the proceedings of the American congress, in their resolutions, manifestoes, or addresses, to which an Englishman, proud of his birthright, could justly object. It now remained with the British government to adopt a plan of reconciliation, or to lose the affections of the colonies forever.

      The tone of his majesty's speech, on the opening of the session, was unexpectedly lofty, and gave little encouragement to the hopes of reconciliation. After alluding to the spirit of disobedience which was abroad in his American colonies, and to the daring resistance to law which characterized the people of Massachusetts, he informed parliament of his firm determination to resist every attempt to impair the supreme authority of parliament, throughout the dominions of the crown.

      To the mind of Lord Chatham, no object, at this time, seemed more important, than the restoration of peace between the two countries. The period had arrived, when a reconciliation must take place, if ever such an event could be effected. Hence, on the assembling of parliament, after the usual recess, January 20th, 1775, when the minister had laid the papers relating to America before the house, Lord Chatham rose, and moved, "that an humble address be presented to his majesty, to direct the removal of his majesty's troops from Boston in order to open the way towards a settlement of the dangerous troubles in America."

      "My lords," says Chatham, "these papers from America, now laid by the administration for the first time before your lordships, have been, to my knowledge, five or six weeks in the pocket of the minister. And notwithstanding the fate of this kingdom hangs upon the event of this great controversy, we are but this moment called to a consideration of this important subject.

      "My lords, I do not wish to look into one of these papers. I know their contents, well enough, already. I know, that there is not a member in this house, but is acquainted with their purport, also. There ought, therefore, to be no delay in entering upon this matter. We ought to proceed to it immediately. We ought to seize the first moment to open the door of reconciliation. The Americans will never be in a temper or state to be reconciled — they ought not to be — till the troops are withdrawn. The troops are a perpetual irritation to those people; they are a bar to all confidence, and all cordial reconcilement.

      "The way," he said, "must be immediately opened for reconciliation. It will soon be too late. I know not who advised the present measures; I know not who advises to a perseverance and enforcement of them; but this I will say, that whoever advises them, ought to answer for it at his utmost peril. I know that no one will avow that he advised, or that he was the author of these measures; every one shrinks from the charge. But somebody has advised his majesty to these measures, and if he continues to hear such evil counselors, his majesty will be undone. His majesty may, indeed, wear his crown, but the American jewel out of it, it will not be worth the wearing. What more shall I say? I must not say, the king is betrayed; but this I will say, the nation is ruined. What foundation have we for our claims over America? What is our right to persist in such cruel and vindictive measures, against that loyal, respectable people?

      "My lords, deeply impressed with the importance of taking some healing measures, at this most alarming, distracted