Asian America. Pawan Dhingra

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Название Asian America
Автор произведения Pawan Dhingra
Жанр Социология
Серия
Издательство Социология
Год выпуска 0
isbn 9781509534302



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level, occupational status, marital status, and so on. Assimilation theory assumes a mostly meritocratic United States. Such an adaptation was seen as in the best interests of the immigrant group in the nation. Today, assimilation theorists have dropped the moralistic tone. Still, there is an implied belief in the benefits of assimilation for immigrants.

       Diverse modes of incorporation

      Despite its differences from standard assimilation theory, this emphasis on groups’ possible diverse outcomes based on their physical location and group assets fits assimilation theory in that it expects an ethnic groups’ gradual “incorporation” into the host society. As Portes and his co-authors write about the second generation, “the central question is not whether the second generation will assimilate to American society, but to what segment of that society it will assimilate” (Portes, Fernandez-Kelly, and Haller 2005: 1000). There are few, if any, entrenched barriers, such as racism, that cannot be overcome with the right resources (e.g. community oversight, educational support) within this perspective.

      In addition to downplaying race as a pervasive constraint on minorities, these various assimilation paradigms stress the significance of culture in determining economic and social outcomes. Over time, immigrants who culturally assimilate akin to previous European immigrants are expected to become economically stable. They may hold onto certain cultural elements, such as traditional foods on special occasions, but these become mostly “symbolic” and ceremonial, rather than influential on people’s lives (Alba 1990; Waters 1990).

      According to these first two theoretical perspectives, groups gradually become more like their host society along key dimensions, including educational attainment, residential location, language preference, self-identity, marital partner, and so on. If poor immigrants have access to supportive co-ethnics (i.e. people who share their ethnic background) and do not encounter too many obstacles (e.g. discrimination), they too can achieve mobility. The major difference between the theories is that segmented assimilation stresses that the road to economic stability often drives through strong ties to one’s ethnic group, whereas standard assimilation stresses the benefits of letting go of these ties. And as articulated within segmented assimilation theory, without sufficient support from co-ethnics, the second generation may assimilate in a downward fashion, marked by limited mobility (Portes and Rumbaut 2001).

       Racial formation theory

      More broadly, the way groups are framed suits the white dominant establishment (e.g. government, the military, corporations). For instance, Chinese Americans went from “good” minorities during World War II to “bad” minorities post World War II as China became increasingly communist and seemed a threat to the government. Japanese Americans switched from “bad” to “good” during this same time period. Our everyday interactions also reflect the power of race. We may talk to someone or even shake the person’s hands differently, based on her/his race. Multiracial individuals may feel pressured to identify with one of their racial backgrounds over the other so as to conform to singular categories.

      Racism is allowed to continue because racial ideologies make it socially permissible. For instance, even an ideology of “color-blindness,” which seems to downplay the relevance of race, limits minorities (Bonilla-Silva 2003; Omi and Winant 1994). It suggests that we should be “blind” to race, should ignore it, and that the real problem is those who keep talking about it as well as programs like affirmative action. So, minorities who complain about racism become blamed for perpetuating racial differences. Indeed, some might suggest that since the United States has elected the first African-American president that it has truly achieved a post-racial, color-blind society. However, sociologists and other scholarly critics point out that even with his election, race continued to organize American life and cannot be ignored (Okamura 2011). The election of Donald Trump immediately following that of Barak Obama suggests that racial progress is not a linear trajectory and, instead, entails significant pushback. Hate crimes in 2019 were at a sixteen-year high, even before the backlash from COVID-19 and the xenophobic rhetoric from political leaders.5

      The “model minority” stereotype exemplifies this dynamic. It argues that Asian Americans succeed due to their Asian values of hard work and family support. In fact, Asian Americans’ success in schools and workplaces may be due in part to such racial stereotypes rather than a sign that stereotypes are fading (Dhingra 2007; Lee and Zhou 2015). But within this stereotype Asian-American men and women are characterized as sexually deviant (i.e. Asian-American men are figured as effeminate; Asian-American women as hypersexualized), overly passive, and apolitical. The stereotype is premised on anti-blackness, that blacks are inherently undeserving and prone to social problems. White elites within the capitalist structure benefit the most from this institutionalized discrimination. According to the racial