Mandarine. Dominic Billings

In Illinois, there’s a path, as a sitting senator's retiring. Lee may already have considered it, I’m not sure.”

      “Why a Senate run first?” scrutinised Yoland.

      “Doesn’t two elections raise the odds of defeat?” parried Yoland to Trent.

      “First of all,” Trent directed to Yoland, “none of this - let me emphasise, none of it - is risk-free. A clear path to the presidency is ludicrous. OK? That’s not directed at you, that’s fact.

      “About the Senate run. Former House Representatives have gone on to the presidency. But only after later serving in the Senate or a governorship."

      Trent stared at the ceiling, drawing on his memory. “From recollection, I can only think of two presidents whose highest office was the House.”

      Exhaling, he admitted, “It’s good company, to be fair. I imagine there’s more than the two I can remember. Yet, one is Abe Lincoln. A representative from the state of Illinois no less. And an advocate for its agricultural development, which we’ll be chasing. The other,” Trent took a breath, “is the gentleman over your right shoulder.”

      Yoland turned behind her to the oil painting. The powdered wig suggested a Founding Father. She felt embarrassed to not be able to know the subject, turning back to Trent.

      Trent grinned. “James Madison. Fourth US President, father of the Constitution, and co-author of the Federalist Papers.”

      He leaned back, clasping his hands behind his head, smiling, cheeks beaming.

      “You got me there," Trent continued. "Yet...I do insist on a Senate run. Let’s be frank. If the horse you’re backing can’t win a Senate seat, a presidential run’s too much. Take both of those examples - Lincoln and Madison. I could offer justification why their respective circumstances made them exceptions. In Madison’s instance, so early in the founding of the republic. Not to mention helping craft the republic itself. And in Lincoln’s case, the advent of the Civil War.”

      “Lincoln lost his Senate race,” Yoland interjected.

      Trent smiled in her direction. “That is true. Yet the balance of history shows a higher office would serve your aims best. A vice presidency or Cabinet position would be ideal. But I can’t think of anyone suitable in the current administration. And I need to cast my mind back to think of past Cabinet secretaries who could be suitable. In any regard, this far into their careers, they're well in the pockets of whomever else. A governorship wouldn’t hurt either. Or there’s a swath of choice I’d be happy with, yet would they meet your aims?

      “For transparency’s sake, I hope you can understand, I often have this same conversation, in this same office, many times a month. So I have many horses in this race. My incentive is to promote the agenda of our legal society - filling court vacancies to our liking.”

      “I understand.” He was not sure she had, but he wanted to draw a line between further dissent, to defer to himself for their remaining time.

      Trent pushed forward. “I’m going to coordinate a meet-and-greet with yourselves and Mr. Adams of the 1st Illinois district.

      “Far above any considerations of the presidency, I suggest a targeted campaign in the state legislatures. We could find seats whereby candidates may be willing to endorse your agenda in exchange for funding. If they're successful in reaching office, they follow through in implementing your policies. It’d offer an apt practice run to trial this model, and your ability to conduct the groundwork mobilising. Who knows what talent you might unearth along the way also?”

      Trent suggested creating a tax-exempt political action committee, or PAC. “Pick a meaningless, amorphous, catchall name. ‘Liberty for America’, or something benign. If possible, using words which almost seem meaningless because of their cliché, like ‘Citizens for Freedom'. Not the ‘Foundation to Advance the Interest of Pud Over the Public Interest.’

      “This PAC and its kitty of funds could finance campaigns to draft and pass bills. The PAC could advocate for policies and regulatory rollbacks as well.”

      Trent framed it as a bargain, suggesting a state legislature seat may only cost $150,000, well within Yoland’s total budget of $5 million. Much cheaper than the campaign budget for president, which crossed the billion-dollar threshold. Trent also promoted the power of state legislatures for tangible change.

      “If you manage to elect candidates to office, immediate reciprocity isn’t implied. But the training, resources, and funding lend favourability to your PAC. And when your PAC calls a favour, a quid pro quo becomes reality.

      “It could be a favour in the form of a task, an endorsement, information on an officeholder or candidate. It means obscuring one’s own ties to your PAC upon questioning.

      “A successful PAC can develop a private political machine nonpareil. Rivalling the National Committees of the major parties themselves. Control of state houses gives one hands on the levers of gerrymandering districts for generations.

      Trent turned to foreign policy. “Let’s talk foreign suppliers, foreign markets. What are we looking at here? Who are your majors? What are the primary sectors at the centre of your focus? What are the main inputs of your products? I’m not talking value-added - I mean primary industries.”

      “Easy,” Yoland volleyed. “Corn and rice - corn refined to high fructose corn, and rice is self-explanatory.”

      “What are the biggest production countries for those respective commodities?”

      “US of A for corn, India for rice.”

      “The second-biggest producers for each?”

      “China for both. I should mention Indian rice is no good for our production’s purposes. It’s jasmine variety, while we need different cultivars.”

      “What are the US states figuring largest in corn production?”

      “Iowa and Illinois.”

      “Neighbouring states. Do you get your corn Stateside?”

      “No. We import our rice and corn from China.”

      “Do you do this for price reasons?”

      “Correct.”

      “Does the federal government subsidise corn production here in the US?”

      “They do, but on the scale of our purchases, importing from China's still far more helpful.”

      “Would there be a price point at which US production would again be competitive?”

      “Yes,” responded Yoland. “It’s not that far off. The main obstacle is the competition to access those subsidised grains.”

      “If you were you to access American corn, do the respective farms set the price, or a commodity market?”

      “The latter - prices are set at the Chicago Board of Trade.”

      “When you buy rice from China, how’s the price set there? Does their government set it?”

      “The price itself is international. The rice we import from China's already milled, which changes the price somewhat.”

      “Do the Chinese government have any influence on the milled rice export prices?”

      “I imagine the Chinese government could influence anything they want from within.”

      “Do you have any contacts within the Chinese government?”

      “No. For a long time we’ve used an export-import agency as an intermediary. I don’t know whether they have Chinese government contacts.”

      “Where are the export points?”

      “Guangzhou.”

      “Does any rice cultivation exist in the US at scale?”

      “There’s a rice belt of sorts. National