Ethnic Conflicts in the Baltic States in Post-soviet Period. Сборник статей

by its intrinsic set of components and their specific combination. Hence, any attempt to introduce an explanatory diagram of the ethnic conflict on the basis of a number of hypothetical causal statements or, on the contrary, verified findings will initially be inaccurate and incomplete.

      Thus, the typical causes of ethnic conflicts among experts and representatives of the mass consciousness in Latvia indicate ethnic origin and language of the titular nation, the attitudes to the historical past and its interpretation, the fear of modern Russia. In order to determine possible causes and degree of the flow of ethnic conflicts in Latvia, there have been several questions to the respondents, providing a formalization of the responses. The question: “To what extent are you concerned about…“ ethnic conflicts in Latvia, 27.8 % responded positively Latvians, 36.6 % and 41.0 % Russian members of other groups. Table 3 shows the possible confrontation between the ethnic majority and the ethnic minorities. If the question on ethnic conflicts in general are concerned, only a quarter of the respondents, the opinion of a possible confrontation between the two groups have expressed about 15 % of the respondents. As is seen, the majority of respondents do not consider it possible ethnic confrontation.

      Table 3. Ethno-political conflicts in Latvia (in%).

      Question: Today in Latvia there are different ethnic groups. What is your opinion about a possible confrontation between the two groups? Please identify on a scale of 1 to 5 the extent to which this confrontation possible *.

      * Presented only positive answers: “The confrontation is possible,” “Confrontation in unlikely.“

      As the data in Table 3, in the case of a possible confrontation is only a small part of the 7.7 % of respondents (mainly from the non-titular nation), oriented to overt physical collision. Basically, according to the respondents, in case of a possible confrontation will only acute oral exchange (43.3 %).

      Table 4. The causes of ethnic confrontation (in %).

      Question: In your opinion, what are the reasons for this confrontation, to what extent? Please use a scale from 1 to 5, where “1” means – to a large extent, and “5” means – in a small extent. (One answer in each row) *.

      * Presented only positive answers: “To a great extent,” “To a small extent.”

      Analysis of the causes of ethnic conflict in Latvia dedicated to table 4. Among the causes of ethnic conflicts in Latvia, creating the widest medium for manifestation of active of interethnic interaction may include: economic and political inequalities of ethnic groups, economic crisis, and the threat of assimilation, the power struggle

      between the elites of ethnic groups, lack of citizenship, and the impact of Russia. The data show that the hypothetical set of causes of ethnic conflicts sufficient to express the position of half of the respondents. Moreover, the lack of citizenship and the influence of Russia as the causes of ethnic conflicts indicated twice as much Russian and other ethnic minorities, which was to be expected.

      The discussions and conclusions. Ethnic stratification and inequality in Latvia

      The peculiarity of ethnic politics in a multiethnic Latvia since independence is a constant search for effective ways and means of incorporation of ethnic group’s titular nation. Formally proclaimed ideology of equality and social integration by Latvian ruling elite (the largest interest in which is detected sporadically in times of national and regional elections) completely discredited through assimilation processes by 2013. The failure of integration policies and the dominance of the processes of assimilation, as well as the rise of ethnic hierarchy in Latvia as a whole shared as power circles, quite heterogeneous expert community and the mass consciousness.

      Ethno-political inequality and subordination in the distribution of power, privilege and resources resulted in modern ethnic stratification. Note that the borders and internal structure of ethno stratification in Latvia so far not completely finished and significantly concede the passed democratic transition by the end of the 90s. Ethno-stratification based on an ethnic hierarchy and inequality of different ethnic and social groups, and includes a variety of ways their reproduction (usually conservative) and legitimating. Ethnic stratification is given all the variety of ethnic and cultural spheres of national development and continuity, first of all denominated in a national culture, language and traditions. Obviously, the recognition and evaluation of the existing unequal forms of ethno-political relations presented in the government, the areas of employment, wealth, education, culture, etc. are the main causes of ethnic conflicts in Latvia.

      In turn, evaluative aspect of ethnic stratification, as well as a demonstration of various forms of relationship to it by the ethnic and social groups is the subject of current research of ethno-sociology and other related humanities. However, despite the impressive amount of research carried out and accumulated knowledge in the field of ethnic politics in the Baltic region by local researchers (Apine I., Muiznieks N. Volkov V., Zepa, B., Gaponenko A. and et al.) and foreign experts, the actual theme of ethnic stratification is presented insufficiently. From here, picture of explanations of ethnic conflict and their types in Latvia often results in sociolinguistic and broad cultural consciousness and behavior and behavior of interacting ethnic groups.

      Ethno-democratic regime in Latvia has two equally important and relatively independent dimensions: social (or vertical) and the culture-political (or horizontal). The first dimension reflects the hierarchical structure of society. On its base are allocated social classes with different levels of different social status, the scale of the use of resources, mechanisms of influence on the political process and socio-political and cultural characteristics. The basis of the same groups formed by the second dimension is common belief, culture and interests. This community is expressed in actions, consciously directed or indirectly contributing to different scenarios of social development. Combining these communities “horizontal” gives social strata, and “vertical” – the main political forces of differing resource capacity. “Intersection” of mentioned analytical dimensions allows allocating social groups that act as hierarchical actors in the political process (in particular, the dominant ethnic majority or mono-ethnic political elite). Such an approach to the identification of the real actors of modern social process is productive, as it enables to evaluate the strength of the social base of the main social forces and their possible consolidation with each other, the nature and extent of resources available to them to achieve their goals. Thus, the scholars of contemporary ethno-political process yield reliable methodological apparatus, with which to more soundly judge the probable scenarios of social development.

      It should be noted that the understanding of the vertical and horizontal dimensions of ethnic stratification as research tools differ significantly among political scientists. In this respect description and analysis of ethno-political conflicts and their classification also vary widely. Thus, representatives of the school of pluralistic ethnic and cultural communities traditionally describe the effect of “institutional pluralism” on the processes of ethnic politics, the result in ethnic cohesion and democratic pluralism.

      In contrast, in ethnically divided societies, Horowitz proposes to distinguish between vertically separated from society horizontally stratified (Horowitz 1985). Based on historical examples of ethnic exclusion and segmentation, Jung offers an introduction into scientific model of “the only dominant groups and minorities” or “leading culture with the central institutions of different ethnic groups on the periphery” (Young 1976). A related concept is the ethnic stratification in Rothschild, considering the existence of ethnically divided societies most dominant and subordinate ethnic minority or peripheral segments, and to stabilize the multicultural and ethnically segmented society allowed the achievement of a bipolar balance of ethnic, marginalized minorities (Rothschild 1981). By classifying the different modes of ethno-democratical regimes Rothschild highlights the model of vertical hierarchy, parallel segmentation and reticular mixed model. If the vertical hierarchy pyramid structure is present a rigid subordination and ethnic mobilization, and the parallel segmentation of the various ethnic groups are also quite asymmetric and scattered on its resource component, then the reticular mixed model all floors social structures include representatives