Evolution of Social Ties around New Food Practices. Группа авторов

organic baskets), or the development of “cooking together” practices (courses, tastings, tutorials, reality shows, chefs’ blogs). Downstream, we can observe the growing inclusion of gastronomy and commensality within other forms of sharing: meals are then offered not in classic and commercial places like restaurants, but in new alternative, tourist, campaigner or artistic contexts that rely on food to enrich other types of experiences. Commensality is then a pretext for sharing new experiences, emotions or convictions that go beyond their sole nutritional and hedonic objectives.

      Sharing values rather than a meal: in an often anxiety-provoking context, consumers are looking for answers to the many economic, social, health and environmental issues linked to our consumption patterns; as a consequence, they are questioning the models of food consumption in order to take greater responsibility. Food takes on the dimension of supporting values. Societal or environmental convictions lead to the critique of certain categories of products deemed harmful because of their ecological footprint or their consequences on public health (meat, processed products, etc.). This favors particular modes of consumption, increased social pressure on what is good or bad to consume and retreating into communities of practice around new principles (organic consumption, local consumption, direct distribution, responsible consumption, etc.). Are these communities the new form of socialization around food that, in many cases, would replace the traditional family and social sharing?

      While food is a means of supporting individual and social identities, it is at the heart of the relationships that we share with others. Food practices and convictions result in a chosen membership of groups, to which we identify or refer to, or on the contrary, from which we distinguish ourselves. These groups are an important element of the individual’s social environment, whether physical or virtual, made up of relatives or strangers. They influence behavior and consumption practices and structure our identity. They play a role in the construction of the self, through adherence to and identification with models, or even communities of adoption, while at the same time, relationships outside of groups allow us to assert our own difference within society. Such communities are developing; they are sharing communities (Internet communities, religious or local communities) that are structured fully or incidentally around food. What are the mechanisms of adhesion to these communities, what returns do individuals expect from them and how does the community itself influence food behaviors? This question of social influences and intra- and extra-group relations on food is at the heart of this book.

Finally, these consumer trends are obviously reflected at the level of supply. Product innovation, distribution structures and the very organization of markets and chains of actors are accompanying these changes and new ways of eating. This is the case, for example, of the halal meat production chain, which has benefited from a complete reorganization of the production, control and distribution chains, with the emergence of new players and the development of an offer that takes into account both market expansion and identity support. Another illustration is the market for vegetarian products and services (catering, advice and support, literature), which is committed to the management of facilitated relations between followers and non-adherents. And we find new ways of consuming, as well as of producing and living together at the local level around food, with the re-enchantment of the terroir³ as a place of sharing and conviction.

      Between social influences, norms, communities and questions of identity, the objective of this book is to bring a reflection on the current evolution of social phenomena around food and their influences on the evolution of these markets. This reflection is articulated through six chapters briefly summarized as follows.

      The recognition of the benefits of “eating together” is such that it has led to official recommendations from public authorities. This is the subject of Chapter 1, “Eating Together”, a PNNS Recommendation. How Can it be Put Into Practice? In order to promote a balanced diet on a daily basis, the French National Nutrition and Health Plan (Plan National Nutrition Santé, PNNS) is based on the social aspects of eating: eating together on a daily basis would be a guarantee of a more nutritional diet, because we would take more time to eat, we would cook more recommended products such as fruits and vegetables, and this would limit snacking. However, as with other recommendations made by public authorities (five fruits and vegetables a day), if consumers seem to know the recommendation to “eat in company”, its application is not satisfactory. It is therefore with the aim of overcoming this lack of application that this chapter focuses on the implementation of the “eat with company” recommendation. Data were collected using a qualitative study of food practices combining a projective collage method with individual interviews and observations. The results show that eating in company implies taking on a social role during meals and that culinary knowledge is used to satisfy the guests. The results also show that it is necessary to articulate our activities and those of others in time and space in order to meet around a meal.

Eating together thus implies grouping together around common practices, concerns and objectives, in particular by taking advantage of the opportunities for sharing and exchange provided by the Internet and social networks. The objective of Chapter 2, “Eating Together” Through the Internet: The Case of Online Weight Loss Support Communities” is to show how users of online communities “eat together” by sharing recipes, photos of the dishes they have made or even tips and advice on nutrition. This sharing contributes to the diversification of their diet. The study particularly explores online weight loss support communities such as Weight Watchers or forums on Doctissimo and Aufeminin in which diet is at the heart of discussions. Bagozzi and Dholakia (2002, p. 3) define online communities as “social spaces in the digital environment that allow groups to form and be maintained primarily through ongoing communication processes”. The chapter focuses on the phenomena of social influences that take place in these communities (How do individuals see their food choices influenced by others?) based on rich and varied collected material. We analyze excerpts from discussions within communities, screen captures that highlight these exchanges, as well as individual interviews, partly conducted with nutrition experts (23) and partly with users of online weight loss support communities (25).

What are the psychological mechanisms that encourage sharing values rather than meals? Concern for the future consequences of our diet is one possible explanation, for example, in the case of individuals on diets. Chapter 3, “Eating Together”: With or Without the Dietary Constraints of Others? shows how forced or chosen dietary restrictions can constrain “eating together”. Firstly, the study highlights the distinction between the chronically ill and the healthy, and the perceived consequences of an unbalanced diet which are very different in these two cases. As a result, a diet constrained by a chronic illness may lead to difficulties in eating with people who do not have these constraints. This first section identifies the variables that explain these difficulties in “eating together” as well as the consequences on eating behaviors when meals are taken together. In a second step, the analysis is extended to “chosen” eating, through the notion of consideration of future consequences. Consideration of future consequences (CFC) is defined as an individual’s consideration of the potential and distant consequences of his or her current behaviors and the fact that these behaviors are influenced by the very anticipation of these potential consequences (Strathman et al. 1994). In the case of eating, these are individuals who impose “dietary constraints” on themselves because they are aware of the consequences their eating may have on them or others. This results in food restriction behaviors on their part that depend on the consequences they take into account (e.g. veganism, organic food, weight loss diet). Based on these observations, why and how does a person go against his or her dietary principles in a situation where he or she has to eat with others? Similarly, to what extent will a person who does not impose dietary restrictions on himself/herself bend to the dietary constraints of others when eating together? What about the perceived tolerance of the other towards ourselves? Through illustrations drawn from three focus groups, made up of about 30 people with diversified diets, this chapter provides some answers to these questions.

      We thus witness a reconfiguration of the social environment of the food practice and adopting or retreating into the sharing community. This is particularly observable in vegetarianism and