The History of Ireland: 17th Century. Bagwell Richard

Macray’s edition.

[185] Laud to Wentworth, July 30, 1631, in Strafford Letters; Bramhall to Laud, August 10, 1633, in the Oxford ed. of Bramhall’s Works, i. lxxix.

[186] Mason’s Hist. of St. Patrick’s; Budgell’s Memoirs of the Boyles; Laud to Wentworth, November 15, 1633, March 11, 1633–4; Wentworth to Laud, August 23, 1634, March 10, 1634–5, in Strafford Letters. The King’s letter is in Lismore Papers, 2nd series, iii. 194. Elrington’s Life of Ussher, p. 159.

[187] The documents concerning Baltimore are printed in Caulfield’s Council Book of Kinsale, xxxiii. Smith’s Hist. of Cork. Cal. of State Papers, Ireland, 1631, No. 1973. Conway to Wentworth, July 14, 1636, in Strafford Letters. Court and Times, ii. 253, 259, 265. The Baltimore of 1630 did not occupy the same ground as the modern fishing village, but ran inland from O’Driscoll’s castle. Thomas Davis wrote a fine ballad on the sack of Baltimore:

      High upon a gallows tree, a yelling wretch is seen,

       ’Tis Hackett of Dungarvan—he, who steered the Algerine!

       He fell amid a sullen shout, with scarce a passing prayer,

       For he had slain the kith and kin of many a hundred there.

[188] Strafford Letters, passim, from 1633 to 1637; see particularly Plumleigh’s letter of October 11, 1633.

      CHAPTER XII

       THE PARLIAMENT OF 1634

       Table of Contents

      A Parliament to be held.

      Want of money.

      The King reluctant to call a Parliament.

      Hopes of Wentworth,

      who proposes to hold the balance between parties.

Wentworth was determined that his government, and especially his army, should not depend upon benefactions extorted from the fears of the Protestants and bought by dispensations or promises from the Recusants. The officials of his Council were in favour of a Parliament, which they might expect to manage, and which he, on the other hand, felt confident in his ability to rule. People in Ireland had an idea that it was safer to keep the revenue short, because a surplus would be sent to England, whereas a deficit would have to be supplied from thence. This short-sighted policy seemed wise to English settlers as well as to the natives, for they had all good reason to distrust the King. The result had been that the business of government was ill done, and that the Crown owed 80,000l. The ordinary revenue, when there was no parliamentary subsidy or voluntary assessment, fell 20,000l. short of the expenses. The Lord Deputy’s brother George was sent to England on a special mission in February, and came back next month with the King’s leave to hold a Parliament. Charles had cause to dread these assemblies, but Wentworth pointed out that Poynings’ law made them safe in Ireland. The order of business and the introduction of Bills being controlled by the English Government, an enterprising viceroy might be trusted to manage the rest. Wentworth’s plan was to have two sessions, one for supply, the other for redress of grievances. He believed that the landowners would willingly agree to a money vote in order to relieve themselves from the ever-present dread of having the existing contributions established like quit-rents on their estates. And all in Ireland realised that they could expect no redress of grievances without having first provided for the support of the Government and army. Charles accepted the proposed arrangement, but advised that it should be kept secret until the time came. The next matter of importance was the composition of the House of Commons. Wentworth resolved that the Protestant and Roman Catholic parties should be nearly balanced. The Protestant party might be slightly the larger, but its subservience was to be secured by procuring the election of many placemen. Wentworth hoped to get three subsidies of 30,000l. each payable in three years. This would yield 30,000l. over and above current expenses, and with that much ready money he hoped to compound for the whole debt, public creditors having been reduced to a proper state of humility. A little more money might be hoped for after the second session, and with this it might be possible to buy up some of the pensions and rent-charges with which the Irish Exchequer was burdened.[189]

      Wentworth’s speech to his Council, April, 1634.

      Everything belongs to Cæsar.

      Opinions in England.

      Charles on the parliamentary hydra.

Having been allowed to hold a Parliament and to do it in his own way, Wentworth at once set to work to make it a success. He summoned his Council, who thought supply should be accompanied by some assurance from the King that grievances would be remedied. They also wished to limit the levies to the actual expenses, having a well-founded fear that surplus money would be squandered in England, and not applied to the liquidation of the Irish debt. Wentworth at once told them that the King called a Parliament because he preferred standing on the ancient ways, that he had absolute right and power to collect all the revenue he required without the consent of anybody, and that their business as councillors was to trust their sovereign without asking questions. ‘I told them plainly,’ he said, ‘I feared they began at the wrong end, thus consulting what might please the people in a Parliament, when it would better become a Privy Councillor to consider what might please the King, and induce him to call one.’ He would not take less than three subsidies of 30,000l. each, but would get as much more as possible without conditions, and they were not to propose any. The State could not be too well provided. ‘What,’ he asked prophetically, ‘if the natives should rebel? There was no great wisdom to be over-confident in them, being of a contrary religion and so great in number.’ And he concluded by asking them to take warning by the troubles which the Commons’ distrust of their King had brought upon the late Parliaments in England. When this was read at the English Council Cottington could not refrain from the obvious comment ‘et quorum pars magna fui.’ Wentworth owed his own political position to his exertions in favour of the Petition of Right, and now he said that everything the subject had was, and ought to be, at the disposition of the Crown. That Laud should have joked with his friend on this subject and that the latter should have taken it as a joke, is not the least extraordinary thing in Wentworth’s career. ‘As for that hydra,’ said Charles of the House of Commons, ‘take good heed; for you know that here I have found it as well cunning as malicious. Your grounds are well laid and I have great trust in your care and judgment; yet my opinion is, that it will not be the worse for my service, though their obstinacy make you break them’.[190]

      Wentworth and the Irish nobility,

      whom he treats with contempt.

Wentworth’s speech to his Council, which less earnest people in England thought a superfluous display of strength, reduced that body to complete subjection. He would allow no discussions anywhere about the King’s policy, and he treated the Roman Catholic nobility in the same way as the Protestant Council. The Lord Chancellor ventured to suggest that the Lords of the Pale should be consulted according to precedent, but he was ‘silenced by a direct and round answer.’ Three or four days later Lord Fingall came to the Castle and asked for information on the part of his friends and neighbours, ‘who had been accustomed to be consulted before those meetings.’ Wentworth, who seems to have disliked the man as well as his communication, told him that his Majesty would ‘reject with scorn and disdain’ any advice their lordships could give. Their business was only to hear the King’s will in open Parliament, to make such remarks there