Affinity Online. Mizuko Ito

we were inspired by the “positive deviance” approach developed in the context of public health, which seeks out examples of practices already existing in communities that can be spread and scaled to address systemic problems (Pascale, Sternin, and Sternin 2010). We sought out affinity networks that exhibited dimensions of connected learning; they all include a focus on knowledge, expertise, and excellence, and they embody a set of community norms, values, and practices that support this orientation. All of these affinity networks also enable connections to academic, civic, and future opportunity for at least some of the participants. Finally, these groups also leverage digital media in effective ways, supporting more diverse forms of creative production and voice and making their affinity networks accessible to more participants.

      In addition to seeking positive deviants to inform and support the spread of connected learning experiences, case selection was motivated by the equity agenda of connected learning. In developing our case studies, we not only sought high-functioning affinity networks, but we also sought out areas of interest that catered to diverse populations, particularly those groups underrepresented in technology fields, specifically girls and black and Latino youth. The majority of research on affinity networks to date has focused on groups that are stereotypically geeky and tech savvy. Today’s online world, particularly if we consider mobile, social, and entertainment media, crosses lines of class, gender, and race, and we thought it was critically important to gain a deeper understanding of how connected learning opportunities can reach populations who have, until recently, been more at the “digital edge” (Watkins et al., forthcoming).

      Several of our case studies focus on what might be considered the dominant culture of digital elites, chosen in order to gain an understanding of online affinity networks pushing technological innovation. Online gaming communities have historically led in innovation of networked learning practices and peer production. The case studies of StarCraft II and LittleBigPlanet 2 represent this technological cutting edge, showcasing the state of the art in game development, networked community organization, and peer production. These studies, along with the Ravelry case, also highlight the often hidden partner in connected learning experiences—the designers and developers behind the online platforms that youth are using. The coupling is tight between developers and players in the game industry, and game developers often see a core focus of their work as the design of dynamic learning communities, rather than just the games themselves. The AMV case also represents a highly tech-savvy group, dominated by white and Asian young men. The case study of the Nerdfighters, from the MAPP project, describes a digitally activated geek community of predominantly young women that has pushed innovation in civic activism through digital networks.

      Four of our case studies were selected specifically because they were not characteristic of the stereotypically geeky cultures dominated by white and Asian young men. We arrived at our case study of professional wrestling fans after extensive exploration into affinity networks of youth historically underrepresented in online affinity networks. Many affinity networks that are popular among black and Latino youth, such as those around sports games or music, were ruled out because we could not find a robust online-community component. Unlike these popular practices that have high status among youth, however, professional wrestling is often stigmatized in local peer groups, and fans are driven to online forums and sociability to cement their affinity networks. To further diversify the populations of youth we were engaged with, we invited an additional case study of the Bollywood dance scene from Shresthova, a member of the MAPP team. The Bollywood case rounds out our range of interest areas in providing an example of a highly digitally activated group, this one centered on young South Asians. Two other cases were selected because of their appeal to women and girls. The case study of the One Direction (1D) fanfiction affinity network taps into the energies of one of the most activated and mainstream fandoms for younger teenage girls. Ravelry represents an older age set, and it has enabled us to look at intergenerational connections through an interest area that has stood the test of time.

      The intergenerational nature of the knitting scene relates to a final and crucial point of differentiation in our cases. The interest areas differed widely in the degree to which they provided a point of intergenerational connection or disconnection and in how culturally distant they were from educational, civic, and career-relevant spheres. The 1D case study represented one end of this spectrum, with a high degree of cultural disconnect between what adults and educators and the youth participants found valuable. It is an interest area that tends not to be culturally valued outside of the affinity network and is likely to elicit eye rolls from parents and educators. By contrast, despite being stigmatized by more mainstream and elite populations, professional wrestling proved to be a point of intergenerational connection in families, and with some educators. Our cases were selected because we thought they afforded opportunities for connected learning across settings, so the other cases, to varying degrees, all provided openings for the kinds of intergenerational and cross-sector brokering we saw with the professional wrestling case. We excluded many popular youth interests—such as first-person shooters—from consideration because we thought that there was insurmountable distance between the culture of the affinity network and educational settings. In all of the case studies, we see the need for a set of supporting points of translation and brokering that connects the spheres of play and learning, and youth and adult worlds, in order to realize connected learning. Our cases to varying degrees exemplify both these disconnects and cultural distance but skew toward those that can potentially connect across these divides.

      Our focus on positive deviants has meant that our analysis excludes many important dimensions of youth participation in online affinity networks. Our focus on high-functioning affinity networks means that our groups are less likely to exhibit negative social dynamics such as hate, overt conflict, and self-harm. In addition, our research subjects tend toward the central and successful members of these networks, who are most likely to experience connected learning. We have little understanding of those who are excluded, drop out, or participate casually. This results from our focus on connected learners, as well as the fact that we observed and recruited within the affinity networks themselves, rather than recruiting a more representative sample of youth through community organizations or schools. These blind spots were unavoidable outcomes of the aim of this study, which was targeted toward surfacing how features of online affinity networks could guide design and positive social change. While many of the dynamics that we describe are common across varied online affinity networks, we signal throughout the text the uniqueness of the examples in this book and when the dynamics are likely more specific to the positive examples we sought out. We also point out when we do have visibility into negative dynamics such as exclusion and conflict. For example, chapter 3 examines status dynamics and hierarchies in the affinity networks we studied. We suggest that readers look to other studies to understand the realities of young people who are less connected to the types of online affinity networks that are the subject of our study.3

      What our cases offer is a window into common characteristics of online affinity networks that do support connected learning. These include strongly shared culture and practices, varied ways of contributing, high standards, and effective ways of providing feedback and help. Unlike much of the learning that young people encounter in school, affinity networks provide opportunities that are self-selected and intentional, and that are also tied to contributions to social communities and authentic recognition in these communities. This can involve being a community organizer, publishing work online, competing in a public tournament, and providing feedback and expertise for others. Young people have historically had these kinds of opportunities for learning, contribution, and recognition in adult-sponsored athletics and the arts; the online world can make these kinds of opportunities more varied, accessible, and youth driven.

      How Affinity Networks Connect Interests to Learning

      The learning sciences have increasingly recognized the role of culture, social relationships, and shared practice in the discovery of interests and persistence in pursuing them.4 Research on the development of interests has documented how familial support (Crowley et al. 2015; Crowley and Jacobs 2002), the availability of shared activities (Azevedo 2011, 2013), and rapport with teachers and mentors (Maltese and Tai 2010) play a more significant role than formal instruction in the