Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society. Raymond Williams

and Germany, but not in England, communist became a harder word than SOCIALIST (q.v.). Engels later explained that he and Marx could not have called the Communist Manifesto ‘a Socialist manifesto’, because one was a working-class, the other a middle-class movement; ‘socialism was, on the continent at least, respectable; Communism was the very opposite’. The modern distinction between communist and socialist is often read back to this period, but this is misleading. It is not only that socialism and socialist were more widely used, in Marxist as in other parties, but that communist was still quite widely understood, in English, in association with community and thus with experiments in common property. In English, in the 1880s, socialism was almost certainly the harder word, since it was unambiguously linked, for all its varying tendencies, to reorganization of the society as a whole. Communist was used in a modern sense after the example of the Paris Commune of 1870, but significantly was challenged by some as inaccurate; the real word for that was communard. William Morris in the 1890s expressed his opposition to Fabian Socialism in the explicit terms of Communism and Communist.

      Yet the predominant general term was still socialism until the Russian Revolution. In 1918 the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party was changed in name, by its now dominant Bolshevik section, to the All-Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and nearly all modern usage follows from this. The renaming reached back to the distinction felt by Marx and Engels, and to the Paris Commune, but it was an act of historical reconstitution of the word, rather than of steady continuity. Within this tradition communism was now a higher stage beyond socialism, through which, however, it must pass. But this has had less effect on general meanings than the distinction which followed 1918 (though with many earlier substantial if not nominal precedents) between REVOLUTIONARY and DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS (qq.v.). Subsequent splits in the communist movement have produced further variations, though communist is most often used of parties linked to Soviet definitions, and variants of revolutionary and Marxist-Leninist have been common to describe alternative or dissident communist parties.

      One particularly difficult use, in this complex and intensely controversial history, is that of Marxist. Virtually all the revolutionary socialist parties and groups, including the Communist Parties, claim to be Marxist, though in controversy they often deny this title to other competing parties of the same general kind. From outside the socialist movement, marxist has also been widely used; partly as a catch-all description of the varying revolutionary socialist and communist parties and groups; partly as a way of describing specifically theoretical and intellectual work and tendencies, often without political or immediately political implications. (In this latter use marxist is often an internal or external euphemism for communist or revolutionary socialist, though the marxist principle of the union of theory and practice gives the frequency of its contemporary use some significance.)

      See SOCIALISM

COMMUNITY

      Community has been in the language since C14, from fw comuneté, oF, communitatem, L – community of relations or feelings, from rw communis, L – COMMON (q.v.). It became established in English in a range of senses: (i) the commons or common people, as distinguished from those of rank (C14–C17); (ii) a state or organized society, in its later uses relatively small (C14–); (iii) the people of a district (C18–); (iv) the quality of holding something in common, as in community of interests, community of goods (C16–); (v) a sense of common identity and characteristics (C16–). It will be seen that senses (i) to (iii) indicate actual social groups; senses (iv) and (v) a particular quality of relationship (as in communitas). From C17 there are signs of the distinction which became especially important from C19, in which community was felt to be more immediate than SOCIETY (q.v.), although it must be remembered that society itself had this more immediate sense until C18, and civil society (see CIVILIZATION) was, like society and community in these uses, originally an attempt to distinguish the body of direct relationships from the organized establishment of realm or state. From C19 the sense of immediacy or locality was strongly developed in the context of larger and more complex industrial societies. Community was the word normally chosen for experiments in an alternative kind of group-living. It is still so used and has been joined, in a more limited sense, by commune (the French commune – the smallest administrative division – and the German Gemeinde – a civil and ecclesiastical division – had interacted with each other and with community, and also passed into socialist thought (especially commune) and into sociology (especially Gemeinde) to express particular kinds of social relations). The contrast, increasingly expressed in C19, between the more direct, more total and therefore more significant relationships of community and the more formal, more abstract and more instrumental relationships of state, or of society in its modern sense, was influentially formalized by Tönnies (1887) as a contrast between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft, and these terms are now sometimes used, untranslated, in other languages. A comparable distinction is evident in mC20 uses of community. In some uses this has been given a polemical edge, as in community politics, which is distinct not only from national politics but from formal local politics and normally involves various kinds of direct action and direct local organization, ‘working directly with people’, as which it is distinct from ‘service to the community’, which has an older sense of voluntary work supplementary to official provision or paid service.

      The complexity of community thus relates to the difficult interaction between the tendencies originally distinguished in the historical development: on the one hand the sense of direct common concern; on the other hand the materialization of various forms of common organization, which may or may not adequately express this. Community can be the warmly persuasive word to describe an existing set of relationships, or the warmly persuasive word to describe an alternative set of relationships. What is most important, perhaps, is that unlike all other terms of social organization (state, nation, society, etc.) it seems never to be used unfavourably, and never to be given any positive opposing or distinguishing term.

      See CIVILIZATION, COMMON, COMMUNISM, NATIONALIST, SOCIETY

CONSENSUS

      Consensus came into English in mC19, originally in a physiological sense, which from C16 had been a specialized sense of the fw consensus, L – an agreement or common feeling, rw con, L – together, sentire – feel. Thus in a use in 1861: ‘there is a general connexion between the different parts of a nation’s civilization; call it, if you will, a consensus, provided that the notion of a set of physical organs does not slip in with that term’. Consensual is earlier, from mC18, in two special contexts: legal – the consensual contract of Roman law; physiological, of involuntary (sympathetic) or reflex actions of the nervous system. Consensus and, later, consensual were steadily developed, by transfer, to indicate general agreement: ‘the consensus of the Protestant missionaries’ (1861). There are supporting subsidiary uses, in more defined forms, such as consensus of evidence, from the same period.

      The word has become much more common in C20 and has been an important political term in mC20. The general use, for an existing agreement of opinion, is often subtly altered in its political application. Consensus politics can mean, from the general sense, policies undertaken on the basis of an existing body of agreed opinions. It can also mean, and in practice has more often meant, a policy of avoiding or evading differences or divisions of opinion in an attempt to ‘secure the centre’ or ‘occupy the middle ground’. This is significantly different, in practice,