Fasti. Ovid
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The days of the Roman year were farther divided into fasti, nefasti and endotercisi,8 or intercisi, which were marked in the Kalends by the letters F. N. and EN. The dies fasti were those on which courts sat, and justice was administered; they were so named from fari to speak, because on them the Praetor gave judgement, that is spoke the three legal words, Do (bonorum possessionem), Dico (jus), Addico (id de quo quaeritur); the dies nefasti, were festivals, and other days on which the courts did not sit; the dies intercisi were those days, on only a part of which justice might be administered. Thus, we are told that some holidays were nefasti, during the time of the killing of the victim, but fasti, inter caesa et porrecta (exta), again nefasti while the victim was being consumed on the altar.
Manutius, by merely counting up the number of the dies fasti in the Julian Calendar, found that they were exactly 38 in number. This strongly confirms what has been said above, respecting the division of the cyclic year into 38 weeks, and is one among numerous instances of the pertinacity with which the Romans retained old forms and names, even when become no longer applicable; for as 38 days were quite insufficient for the business of the Forum, a much larger number of other days, under different appellations, had been added to them long before. The making the market days fasti was, we are told,9 the act of the consul Hortensius.
§ 4.
Of the Roman Fasti.
The Roman patricians derived from their Tuscan instructors, the practice, common to sacerdotal castes, of maintaining power by keeping the people in ignorance of matters which, though simple in themselves, were of frequent use, and thence of importance. One of the things, which such bodies are most desirous of enveloping in mystery and confining the knowledge of to themselves, is the Calendar, by which religious rites and legal proceedings are regulated. Accordingly, for a long time, the Roman people had no means of learning with certainty what days were fasti and what not, but by applying to the pontiff, in whose house the tables of the fasti were kept, or by the proclamation which he used to make of the festivals which were shortly to take place. As we have seen above, the knowledge of the length of the ensuing month could only be obtained in the same manner. This, and the power of intercalating, gave a highly injurious degree of power to the pontiffs.
Accordingly, nothing could exceed the indignation of the senate when, in the year 440, Flavius, the clerk or secretary of App. Claudius, as a most effectual mode of gaining the popular favour, secretly made tables of the Calendar and set them up about the Forum.10 Henceforth the dies fasti and nefasti, the stative festivals, the anniversaries of the dedications of temples, etc. were known to every one. The days of remarkable actions, such as the successes and reverses of the arms of the republic, were also noted. Copies for the use of the public and individuals were multiplied; the municipia and other towns of Italy, as the fragments which have been discovered shew, followed the example of Rome, and the colonies, in this as in every thing else, presented the mother-city in little. The custom was transmitted to modern Europe, and, in the Calendar part of our own Almanacks, we may see a copy of those Fasti, which once formed a portion of the mysterious treasures of the patricians of ancient Rome.
These were the Fasti Sacri or Kalendares, but the word Fasti was applied to another kind of register, named the Fasti Historici or Consulares, which contained the names of the magistrates of each year, especially the consuls, and the chief events of the year were set down in them, so that they formed a kind of annals of the state. When we read of the name of any consul, as was the case with L. and M. Antonius, being erased from the Fasti by a senatusconsult, it is always these Fasti that are meant.
§ 5.
Of Ovid's Poem on the Fasti.
Among the choir of poets who shed glory on the reign of Augustus, the first place for originality may be claimed by P. Ovidius Naso. His Heroic Epistles had no model in Grecian literature; his Art of Love, the most perfect of his works, was equally his own, though didactic poetry had been cultivated in Greece; his Metamorphoses bore perhaps a resemblance to a lost poem of Nicander or Callimachus; but unless a work of this last poet, presently to be noticed, was of the same kind with it, Grecian literature contained nothing resembling his Fasti.
To a poet like Ovid, of various powers and great command of language, few subjects could have appeared to possess more 'capabilities,' to use a hackneyed but expressive term. He had here an opportunity of displaying his power in the light, easy, and graceful style, when narrating the adventures of the god of Grecian theology; while the real and legendary history of his country afforded subjects which might have called forth the highest powers of genius, and have awakened the sympathies of every Roman reader. Here, however, I think he has failed; Ovid in fact very much resembled a distinguished poet of our own days, who, like him, excels in the light and amatory, and sportive style, but whose efforts in the grave and dignified are not equally successful. In reading the poem, I have sometimes asked myself if it would not have been better had the Fasti of Rome been the theme of the Mantuan instead of the Pelignian bard. Where Ovid fails Virgil would certainly have succeeded, and the Regifugium and fall of the Fabii would have come down to us in strains equal to those which celebrate the wars of ancient Italy. Whether the reverse would have been the case, and that, in those lighter and more familiar parts, where Ovid succeeds Virgil would have failed, I take not on me to decide; but I should reckon much on the taste and judgement of the author of the Georgics. Still, even in the higher parts, we know not to what disadvantage even Virgil's verses might have competed with the venerable Annals of Ennius, with whom he rather seemed to shun than to seek collision. This is a question, however, which can never be decided, and, much as I delight in the poetry of Virgil, I regard him as inferior in genius to Ovid. Virgil depends on others, he always imitates; Ovid borrows rarely, in composition he is always best when most independent.
I do not think that Ovid had any model for his Fasti; the idea might have been suggested to him, as it is thought, by this verse of Propertius (iv. 1. 69):
Sacra, diesque canam et cognomina prisca locorum,
with which he concludes a poem, in which he feigns himself to be shewing to a stranger the principal monuments of Rome. Callimachus, too, had written a poem which, like all the poetry of the Alexandrian period, was well known at Rome and was quoted by Varro, Martial, Servius and others. Its title was [Greek: Aitia], and, from its name and the few fragments and scanty accounts of it which remain, it appears that it treated of the causes of matters relating to the gods and ancient heroes of Greece. From an epigram in the Anthology, we learn that he feigned that he was transported in a dream to Mt. Helicon, and there received his information from the Muses. The epigram ends thus:
[Greek:
Ai de hoi eiromeno, amph' Ogugion Haeroon
Aitia kai makaron eiron ameibomenai].
It is uncertain whether the poem was in heroic or elegiac measure. Ovid appears to have been acquainted with it, for (Trist. v. 5. 33.) when speaking of the dividing of the flame on the pyre of the Theban brothers he adds—
Hoc, memini, quondam fieri non posse loquebar,
Et me Battiades judice falsus erat.
The difference, however, between this poem and the Fasti, must have been considerable. A Greek poet, named Butas, according to Plutarch (Rom. 21.), wrote [Greek: aitias muthodeis en elegeiois ton Romaikon], from which he quotes these two verses relating to the Luperci, and in explanation of their custom of striking those whom they met—
[Greek:
Empodious
Macrob. Sat. I. 16.
Liv. ix. 46.