Banyan Leaves. Gypsies and Travellers. Sergey Gabbasov

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Название Banyan Leaves. Gypsies and Travellers
Автор произведения Sergey Gabbasov
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isbn 9785005593672



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both Muslim, “Manganiyar” and “Langa” have “patrons” from different religions – “Langa” from Islam community and Manganiyar from Hindu society. The Manganiyar would be careful to string their “sarangi” with steel while the Langa would use gut strings freely.

      BY THE RIVER OF JORDAN

      “Dom” is a self-determination name (endonym) of a widespread groups of gypsies in the Middle East and North Africa. “Gypsy” is the term of English language and in the Arab world the “Nawar” is one of the most widely used designations. But “Nawar” is applied not only to the gypsies, but to other nomadic and non-sedentary groups. It has a negative connotation of unworthy, low-born and uncivilized person and insulting meaning of a worthless of gypsies for Arabs.

      In 669 AD, 710 AD and 720 AD “Zott” gypsies (not a self-designation name, but an exonym very close-related with “Jatt”) were sent by the Arab rulers from Persia to the city of Antioch on the Mediterranian coast (Kenrick 1993). When Antioch was captured by the Greeks in 855 AD, some “Zott” were sent to Greece and some have migrated to Crete and then returned to Lebanon and Israel. Their history of traces in the Middle East was the result of multiple migrations. And their migration toward North Africa began probably during the last quarter of the first millennium (ibid.).

      Traditional tent of “Dom” of Jordan has a tubular metal frame without central posts. It is very wide inside, about eight by five meters. Inner space differs from tents of Bedouin, there is no any special “womens’ section”. Bedding is folding to keep them off the ground. Food cooking is placed outside of the tent. There can be a TV, ran off a car battery, inside the tent, and a gas-stove for cooking outside of it.

      The population of “Dom” in Jordan is about 35,000 people. There are at least five tribes: the “tamarreh” is the largest, “ka’akov”, “ga’agreh”, “balahayeh” and “nawasfeh”. Two other segments of the Gypsy population are discernable in these four groups: the Palestinian Dom and a conglomeration of numerous other smaller families (primarily from Iraq and Syria), most of whom are still nomadic. These groups claim that they had been blacksmiths and drivers in Iraq, shoeing camels and horses among other tasks (Phillips 2000), they often rented or bought houses until the Gulf War. Some families are settled and some are scattering throughout the country and even to Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, Iraq, Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

      In Mafraq area there are other two tribes of mixed origin. One of them is “sawatha”. Phillips researched one of it’s clans – “jennayd” (he was told that this clan consisted of approximately 100 families), whose ancestors have come from Palestine through Iraq about 100 years ago. Phillips also informs us that the other tribe – “hamashlir” – is known for dancing (ibid.).

      “Domari” is the native language of “Dom” people, and it dates back to the Indian heritage. It’s synonym in Arabic is “Nawari”. “Dom” are multilingual people. It is common to find “Dom” who speaks two or three languages. But their literacy level is very low and very few people can read or write. Some Dom think that their language and heritage are main reasons that stand behind called “Nawar”, and this is why they try to get rid of them (Moawwad 1999).

      Being by negative attitude of surrounding peoples, “Dom” prefer to identify themselves with other peoples: settled Nawar want to be known as Arabs and nomadic – as other nomadic pastoralists of the region. In Jordan they claim to be known as Turkmen.

      There is a strong problem with a school education – extremely few “Dom” families are sending children to school and none of the local authorities had organized the provision of a camp-teacher to visit the camp and educate the children (Ryder 2001). “Dom” children learn early in life to hide their identity. They walk into nearby residential areas to catch the school bus in order to avoid being identified and ridiculed (Williams 2003).

      Blacksmithing, dancing and playing music for hire are not requested in Jordan, so now “Dom” live by selling products such as clothing and housing utensils and begging. They usually do trading and begging on the streets which is illegal under Jordanian law (Ryder 2001).

      IN THE LAND OF THE PHARAOHS

      The “Dom” of Egypt with their lifestyle, physical characteristics and dress fit very well into the Egyptian communities. Many of the facial features of the “Dom” are very similar to the Egyptian’s. “Dom” women traditionally recognized by their colorful dress, long earrings and tattooed faces. The male “Dom”, wearing the conventional “galabeya” are dressed in the same way as the local Egyptian men. The face of the “Dom” is typically darker and thinner than the Egyptian face, the features are sharper.

      “Halebi” are often described as the gifted fortune-tellers, “Ghawazi” as the dancers and entertainers, free and impetuous, “Ghagar” as the beggars, cunning and resourceful, and “Hanagra” as the dishonest thieves.

      The “Dom” are still involved in metalwork by way of fabricating metal products, cleaning and repairing brass utensils, fixing of old stoves and making keys. Walking through the back streets of “Khana Khalili”, a popular tourist area in Cairo, one is able to view the production of numerous ornamental metal objects produced by the “Dom”.

      Metal workers in the rural area are known as blacksmiths, with some distinction being encompassed by the differentiation. They, like European Gypsies, are involved in making agricultural implements and horse-ware and even saddles. Smithing is seen as a family occupation, with husbands and wives working together (like “Gadia Lohar” do), but tinkering involves only the men, whose wives are not involved in the trade but engaged in other occupations.

      The “Dom” of Egypt are often involved in the sphere of entertainment. Following the “moulids” (religious festivals) around the country, the “Dom” of Egypt are frequently found working the swings, running the aiming games, performing tricks and many other forms. Some of the “Dom” are more reliant on tourism for their livelihood – many of the camel and horse drivers around the Giza pyramids are “Dom”, while “Dom” children can be found selling trinkets down near the Sphinx. “Dom” dancers can be found in many hotels along the Pyramid street in Giza. In the rural areas of Egypt the “Ghawazi” still perform. The “Dom” women perform fortune telling through palm reading and speaking with seashells. Some “Dom” musicians declare that most of “rababah” players are “Halab” (“Haleb”, “Halebi”).

      Increasingly disappearing tradition of “Dom” epic poets is rarely seen now during entertaining audiences at weddings and local coffee-houses. Derogatorily called “Ghagar” by non-“Dom” villagers, they prefer to call themselves “Haleb” (“Halebi”). Prior to the invasion of technology, these “Dom” men were frequently hired to recite the traditional poems of Arab heroes and to play the “rababah” during the celebration. With clever usage of the Arabic language, the poet would perform late into the night, delighting the imagination of his audience with tales of battles won and heroes triumphing.

      In context of Cairo they are entertainers, peddlers of haberdashery in the major markets and increasingly beggars. The factor of tourism has resulted in a powerful motivation for many “Ghagar” musicians and dancers drawing them to Cairo and concentrating them in particular areas of the older city. The “Ghagar” musicians, singers and dancers are differentiated socially from both other “Ghagar” and “Khashar”. They train animals, not always monkeys, to perform tricks. Gypsy entertainers are the acrobats and jugglers,