Politics of Disinformation. Группа авторов

      References

      1 Allcott, H.and Gentzkow, M.(2017). Social media and fake news in the 2016 election. Journal of Economic Perspectives 31 (2): 211–236.

      2 Amazeen, M.A.(2019). Practitioner perceptions: critical junctures and the global emergence and challenges of fact-checking. International Communication Gazette 81 (6–8): 541–561.

      3 Aparici, R., García-Marín, D., and Rincón-Manzano, L.(2019). Noticias falsas, bulos y trending topics. Anatomía y estrategias de la desinformación en el conflicto catalán. El Profesional de la Información 28 (3): 1–16.

      4 Baym, G.(2005). The Daily Show: discursive integration and the reinvention of political journalism. Political Communication 22 (3): 259–276.

      5 Bennett, W.L.and Livingston, S.(2018). The disinformation order: disruptive communication and the decline of democratic institutions. European Journal of Communication 33 (2): 122–139.

      6 Bird, E.(1996). CJ’s revenge: media, folklore, and the cultural construction of AIDS. Critical Studies in Mass Communication 13 (1): 44–58.

      7 Blanco-Herrero, D.and Arcila-Calderon, C.(2019). Deontology and fake news: a study of the perceptions of Spanish journalists. El Profesional de la Información 28 (3).

      8 Bode, L.and Vraga, E.(2015). In related news, that was wrong: the correction of misinformation through related stories functionality in social media. Journal of Communication 65 (4): 619–638.

      9 Bradshaw, S., Howard, P., Kollanyi, B., and Neudert, L.M.(2020). Sourcing and automation of political news and information over social media in the United States, 2016–2018. Political Communication 37 (2): 173–193.

      10 Brandtzaeg, P.B., Lüders, M., Spangenberg, J., Rath-Wiggins, L., and Følstad, A.(2016). Emerging journalistic verification practices concerning social media. Journalism Practice 10 (3): 323–342.

      11 Brummette, J., DiStaso, M., Vafeiadis, M., and Messner, M.(2018). Read all about it: the politicization of “fake news” on Twitter. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 95 (2): 497–517. doi: 10.1177/1077699018769906.

      12 Canavilhas, J., Colussi, J., and Moura, Z.B.(2019). Disinformation in the 2018 Brazilian presidential election: an analysis of WhatsApp family groups. El Profesional de la Información 28 (3): 1–9.

      13 Chadwick, A., Vaccari, C., and O’Loughlin, B.(2018). Do tabloids poison the well of social media? Explaining democratically dysfunctional news sharing. New Media & Society 20 (11): 4255–4274.

      14 Coddington, M., Molyneux, L., and Lawrence, R.(2014). Fact checking the campaign: how political reporters use Twitter to set the record straight (or not). The International Journal of Press/Politics 19 (4): 391–409.

      15 Das, A.and Schroeder, R.(2020). Online disinformation in the run-up to the Indian 2019 election. Information, Communication & Society. doi: 10.1080/1369118X.2020.1736123.

      16 Davis, S.and Straubhaar, J.(2020). Producing Antipetismo: media activism and the rise of the radical, nationalist right in contemporary Brazil. International Communication Gazette 82 (1): 82–100.

      17 Del-Fresno-García, M.and Manfredi-Sánchez, J.(2018). Politics, hackers and partisan networking. Misinformation, national utility and free election in the Catalan independence movement. El Profesional de la Información 27 (6): 1225–1238.

      18 Edgerly, S.and Vraga, E.(2020). Deciding what’s news: news-ness as an audience concept for the hybrid media environment. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 97 (2): 416–434.

      19 Elías, C.(2019). Science on the Ropes. Cham, Switzerland: Springer.

      20 Engesser, S., Ernst, N., Esser, F., and Büchel, F.(2017). Populism and social media: how politicians spread a fragmented ideology. Information, Communication & Society 20 (8): 1109–1126.

      21 Farkas, J., Schou, J., and Neumayer, C.(2018). Cloaked Facebook pages: exploring fake Islamist propaganda in social media. New Media & Society 20 (5): 1850–1867.

      22 Fletcher, R., Schifferes, S., and Thurman, N.(2020). Building the “Truthmeter”: training algorithms to help journalists assess the credibility of social media sources. Convergence 26 (1): 19–34.

      23 Furman, I.and Tunç, A.(2019). The end of the Habermassian ideal? Political communication on Twitter during the 2017 Turkish Constitutional Referendum. Policy & Internet. doi: 10.1002/poi3.218.

      24 Garrett, R.K.and Poulsen, S.(2019). Flagging Facebook falsehoods: self-identified humor warnings outperform fact checker and peer warnings. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 24 (5): 240–258.

      25 Gilboa, E.(2003). Television news and U.S. foreign policy: constraints of real-time coverage. Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 8 (4): 97–113.

      26 Guo, L.and Vargo, C.(2020). “Fake News” and emerging online media ecosystem: an integrated intermedia agenda-setting analysis of the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election. Communication Research 47 (2): 178–200.

      27 Ha, L., Perez, L.A., and Ray, R.(2019). Mapping recent development in scholarship on fake news and misinformation, 2008 to 2017: disciplinary contribution, topics, and impact. American Behavioral Scientist. doi: 10.1177/0002764219869402.

      28 Helberger, N.(2020). The political power of platforms: how current attempts to regulate misinformation amplify opinion power. Digital Journalism 8 (6): 842–854.

      29 Humprecht, E., Esser, F., and van Aelst, P.(2020). Resilience to online disinformation: a framework for cross-national comparative research. International Journal of Press-Politics 25 (3): 493–516.

      30 Iosifidis, P.and Andrews, L.(2020). Regulating the Internet intermediaries in a post-truth world: beyond media policy? International Communication Gazette 82 (3): 211–230.

      31 Jankowski, N.W.(2018). Researching fake news: a selective examination of empirical studies. Journal of the European Institute for Communication and Culture 25 (1–2): 248–255.

      32 Jerit, J.and Barabas, J.(2006). Bankrupt rhetoric – how misleading information affects knowledge about social security. Public Opinion Quarterly 70 (3): 278–303.

      33 Khaldarova, I.and Pantti, M.(2016). Fake news: the narrative battle over the Ukrainian conflicto. Journalism Practice 10 (7): 891–901.

      34 Kim, Y.M., Hsu, J., Neiman, D., Kou, C., Bankston, L., Kim, S.Y., Heinrich, R., Baragwanath, R., and Raskutti, G.(2018). The Stealth Media? Groups and targets behind divisive issue campaigns on Facebook. Political Communication 35 (4): 515–541.

      35 Lopez-García, X., Vizoso, A., and Pérez-Seijo, S.(2019). Verification initiatives in the scenario of misinformation. Brazilian Journalism Research 15 (3): 614–635.

      36 Lu, Y.and Pan, J.(2020). Capturing clicks: how the Chinese Government uses clickbait to compete for visibility. Political Communication: 1–32. doi: 10.1080/10584609.2020.1765914.

      37 Mejias, U.A.and Vokuev, N.(2017). Disinformation and the media: the case of Russia and Ukraine. Media, Culture & Society 39 (7): 1027–1042.

      38 Meyen, M., Fiedler, A., and Schamberger, K.(2016). “It is a crime to be abusive towards the president”: a case study on media freedom and journalists’ autonomy in Museveni’s Uganda. African Journalism Studies 37 (3): 1–18.

      39 Mwesige, P.G.(2009). The democratic functions and dysfunctions of political talk radio: the case of Uganda. Journal of African Media Studies 1 (2): 221–245.

      40 Nelson, J.L.and Taneja, H.(2018). The small, disloyal fake news audience: the role of audience availability in fake news consumption. New Media & Society