Название | U.S. Constitution: Foundation & Evolution (Including the Biographies of the Founding Fathers) |
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Автор произведения | Madison James |
Жанр | Юриспруденция, право |
Серия | |
Издательство | Юриспруденция, право |
Год выпуска | 0 |
isbn | 9788027241057 |
"In behalf of the Merchants, Tradesmen &c.
"We have the Honour to be with perfect Consideration & Respect
"Your most Obedient &
"Most Humble Servant's
"JOHN BROWN JABEZ BOWEN
THOMAS LLOYD HALSEY NICHOLAS BROWN
JOS. NIGHTINGALE JOHN JENCKES
LEVI HALL WELCOME ARNOLD Comtee.
PHILIP ALLEN WILLIAM RUSSELL
PAUL ALLEN JEREMIAH OLMY
WILLIAM BARTON
"The Honorable the Chairman of the General Convention
"PHILADELPHIA"
— Const. MSS.
Both letters are printed in the Documentary History of the Constitution, i., 277 and 275.
10 "Mr. Butler is a character much respected for the many excellent virtues which he possesses. But as a politician or an Orator, he has no pretensions to either. He is a Gentleman of fortune, and takes rank among the first in South Carolina. He has been appointed to Congress, and is now a Member of the Legislature of South Carolina. Mr. Butler is about 40 years of age; an Irishman by birth." — Pierce's Notes, Am. Hist. Rev., iii., 333.
11 "Mr. Spaight is a worthy Man, of some abilities, and fortune. Without possessing a Genius to render him brilliant, he is able to discharge any public trust that his Country may repose in him. He is about 31 years of age." — Pierce's Notes, Id., iii., 332.
Tuesday May 29
John Dickenson and Elbridge Gerry, the former from Delaware, the latter from Massachusetts took their seats. The following rules were added, on the report of Mr. Wythe from the Committee —
That no member be absent from the House, so as to interrupt the representation of the State, without leave.
That Committees do not sit whilst the House shall be or ought to be, sitting.
That no copy be taken of any entry on the journal during the sitting of the House without leave of the House.
That members only be permitted to inspect the journal.
That nothing spoken in the House be printed, or otherwise published or communicated without leave.
That a motion to reconsider a matter which has been determined by a majority, may be made, with leave unanimously given, on the same day on which the vote passed; but otherwise not without one day's previous notice: in which last case, if the House agree to the reconsideration, some future day shall be assigned for that purpose.
Mr. C. Pinkney1 moved that a Committee be appointed to superintend the Minutes.
Mr. Gouverneur Morris objected to it. The entry of the proceedings of the Convention belonged to the Secretary as their impartial officer. A committee might have an interest & bias in moulding the entry according to their opinions and wishes.
The motion was negatived, 5 noes, 4 ays.
Mr. Randolph2 then opened the main business.3
He expressed his regret, that it should fall to him, rather than those, who were of longer standing in life and political experience, to open the great subject of their mission. But, as the convention had originated from Virginia, and his colleagues supposed that some proposition was expected from them, they had imposed this task on him.
He then commented on the difficulty of the crisis, and the necessity of preventing the fulfilment of the prophecies of the American downfal.
He observed that in revising the foederal system we ought to inquire 1. into the properties, which such a government ought to possess, 2. the defects of the confederation, 3. the danger of our situation & 4. the remedy.
1. The Character of such a government ought to secure 1. against foreign invasion: 2. against dissensions between members of the Union, or seditions in particular States: 3. to procure to the several States various blessings, of which an isolated situation was incapable: 4. to be able to defend itself against encroachment: & 5. to be paramount to the state constitutions.
2. In speaking of the defects of the confederation he professed a high respect for its authors, and considered them as having done all that patriots could do, in the then infancy of the science, of constitutions, & of confederacies, — when the inefficiency of requisitions was unknown — no commercial discord had arisen among any States — no rebellion had appeared as in Massachusetts — foreign debts had not become urgent — the havoc of paper money had not been foreseen — treaties had not been violated — and perhaps nothing better could be obtained from the jealousy of the states with regard to their sovereignty.
He then proceeded to enumerate the defects. 1. that the confederation produced no security against foreign invasion; congress not being permitted to prevent a war nor to support it by their own authority — Of this he cited many examples; most of which tended to shew, that they could not cause infractions of treaties or of the law of nations to be punished: that particular states might by their conduct provoke war without controul; and that neither militia nor draughts being fit for defence on such occasions, enlistments only could be successful, and these could not be executed without money.
2, that the foederal government could not check the quarrels between states, nor a rebellion in any, not having constitutional power nor means to interpose according to the exigency.
3, that there were many advantages, which the U. S. might acquire, which were not attainable under the confederation — such as a productive impost — counteraction of the commercial regulations of other nations — pushing of commerce ad libitum, — &c &c.
4, that the foederal government could not defend itself against encroachments from the states.
5, that it was not even paramount to the state constitutions, ratified as it was in many of the states.
3. He next reviewed the danger of our situation, appealed to the sense of the best friends of the U. S. the prospect of anarchy from the laxity of government every where; and to other considerations.
4. He then proceeded to the remedy; the basis of which he said must be the republican principle.
He proposed as conformable to his ideas the following resolutions, which he explained one by one.
1. Resolved that the articles of Confederation ought to be so corrected & enlarged as to accomplish the objects proposed by their institution; namely, "common defence, security of liberty, and general welfare."
2. Resolved therefore that the rights of suffrage in the National Legislature ought to be proportioned to the Quotas of contribution, or to the number of free inhabitants, as the one or the other rule may seem best in different cases.
3.Resolved that the National Legislature ought to consist of two branches.
4. Resolved that the members of the first branch of the National Legislature ought to be elected by the people of the several States every — — for the term of — — ; to be of the age of — — years at least, to receive liberal stipends by which they may be compensated for the devotion of their time to the public service; to be ineligible to any office established by a particular State, or under the