Bad Pharma: How Medicine is Broken, And How We Can Fix It. Ben Goldacre

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Название Bad Pharma: How Medicine is Broken, And How We Can Fix It
Автор произведения Ben Goldacre
Жанр Здоровье
Серия
Издательство Здоровье
Год выпуска 0
isbn 9780007363643



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to the contrary; and that they take no action against those who fail to register their trials. We have seen that medical journal editors continue to publish unregistered trials, despite the public pretence that they have taken a stand. We have seen that ethics committees fail to insist on universal publication, despite their stated aim of protecting patients. And we have seen that professional bodies fail to take action against what is obviously research misconduct, despite evidence showing that the problem of missing data is of epidemic proportions.66

      While the published academic record is hopelessly distorted, you might hope that there is one final route which patients and doctors could use to get access to the results of clinical trials: the regulators, which receive large amounts of data from drug companies during the approval process, must surely have obligations to protect patients’ safety? But this, sadly, is just one more example of how we are failed by the very bodies that are supposed to be protecting us.

      In this section, we will see three key failures. Firstly, the regulators may not have the information in the first place. Secondly, the way in which they ‘share’ summary trial information with doctors and patients is broken and shabby. And finally, if you try to get all of the information that a drug company has provided – the long-form documents, where the bodies are often buried – then regulators present bizarre barriers, blocking and obfuscating for several years at a time, even on drugs that turn out to be ineffective and harmful. Nothing of what I am about to tell you is in any sense reassuring.

       One: Information is withheld from regulators

      Paroxetine is a commonly used antidepressant, from the class of drugs known as ‘selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors’, or SSRIs. You will hear more about this class of drugs later in this book, but here we will use paroxetine to show how companies have exploited our longstanding permissiveness about missing trials, and found loopholes in our inadequate regulations on trial disclosure. We will see that GSK withheld data about whether paroxetine works as an antidepressant, and even withheld data about its harmful side effects, but most importantly, we will see that what it did was all entirely legal.

      To understand why, we first need to go through a quirk of the licensing process. Drugs do not simply come onto the market for use in all medical conditions: for any specific use of any drug, in any specific disease, you need a separate marketing authorisation. So, a drug might be licensed to treat ovarian cancer, for example, but not breast cancer. That doesn’t mean the drug doesn’t work in breast cancer. There might well be some evidence that it’s great for treating that disease too, but maybe the company hasn’t gone to the trouble and expense of getting a formal marketing authorisation for that specific use. Doctors can still go ahead and prescribe it for breast cancer, if they want, because the drug is available for prescription, and there are boxes of it sitting in pharmacies waiting to go out (even though, strictly speaking, it’s only got marketing approval for use in ovarian cancer). In this situation the doctor will be prescribing the drug legally, but ‘off-label’.

      This is fairly common, as getting a marketing authorisation for a specific use can be time-consuming and expensive. If doctors know that there’s a drug which has been shown in good-quality trials to help treat a disease, it would be perverse and unhelpful of them not to prescribe it, just because the company hasn’t applied for a formal licence to market it for that specific use. I’ll discuss the ins and outs of all this in more detail later. But for now, what you need to know is that the use of a drug in children is treated as a separate marketing authorisation from its use in adults.

      This makes sense in many cases, because children can respond to drugs in very different ways to adults, so the risks and benefits might be very different, and research needs to be done in children separately. But this licensing quirk also brings some disadvantages. Getting a licence for a specific use is an arduous business, requiring lots of paperwork, and some specific studies. Often this will be so expensive that companies will not bother to get a licence specifically to market a drug for use in children, because that market is usually much smaller.

      But once a drug is available in a country for one specific thing, as we have seen, it can then be prescribed for absolutely anything. So it is not unusual for a drug to be licensed for use in adults, but then prescribed for children on the back of a hunch; or a judgement that it should at least do no harm; or studies that suggest benefit in children, but that would probably be insufficient to get through the specific formal process of getting marketing authorisation for use in kids; or even good studies, but in a disease where the market is so small that the company can’t be bothered to get a marketing approval for use in children.

      Regulators have recognised that there is a serious problem with drugs being used in children ‘off-label’, without adequate research, so recently they have started to offer incentives for companies to conduct the research, and formally seek these licences. The incentives are patent extensions, and these can be lucrative. All drugs slip into the public domain about a decade after coming onto the market, and become like paracetamol, which anyone can make very cheaply. If a company is given a six-month extension on a drug, for all uses, then it can make a lot more money from that medicine. This seems a good example of regulators being pragmatic, and thinking creatively about what carrots they can offer. Licensed use in children will probably not itself make a company much extra money, since doctors are prescribing the drug for children already, even without a licence or good evidence, simply because there are no other options. Meanwhile, six months of extra patent life for a blockbuster drug will be very lucrative, if its adult market is large enough.

      There’s a lot of debate about whether the drug companies have played fair with these offers. For example, since the FDA started offering this deal, about a hundred drugs have been given paediatric licences, but many of them were for diseases that aren’t very common in children, like stomach ulcers, or arthritis. There have been far fewer applications for less lucrative products that could be used in children, such as more modern medicines called ‘large-molecule biologics’. But there it is.

      When GSK applied for a marketing authorisation in children for paroxetine, an extraordinary situation came to light, triggering the longest investigation in the history of UK drugs regulation. This investigation was published in 2008, and examined whether GSK should face criminal charges.67 It turned out that what the company had done – withholding important data about safety and effectiveness that doctors and patients clearly needed to see – was plainly unethical, and put children around the world at risk; but our laws are so weak that GSK could not be charged with any crime.

      Between 1994 and 2002 GSK conducted nine trials of paroxetine in children.68 The first two failed to show any benefit, but the company made no attempt to inform anyone of this by changing the ‘drug label’ that is sent to all doctors and patients. In fact, after these trials were completed, an internal company management document stated: ‘it would be commercially unacceptable to include a statement that efficacy had not been demonstrated, as this would undermine the profile of paroxetine’. In the year after this secret internal memo, 32,000 prescriptions were issued to children for paroxetine in the UK alone: so, while the company knew the drug didn’t work in children, it was in no hurry to tell doctors that, despite knowing that large numbers of children were taking it. More trials were conducted over the coming years – nine in total – and none showed that the drug was effective at treating depression in children.

      It gets much worse than that. These children weren’t simply receiving a drug that the company knew to be ineffective for them: they were also being exposed to side effects. This should be self-evident, since any effective treatment will have some side effects, and doctors factor this in, alongside the benefits (which in this case were non-existent). But nobody knew how bad these side effects were, because the company didn’t tell doctors, or patients, or even the regulator about the worrying safety data from its trials. This was because of a loophole (on which more in a couple of pages’ time): you only had to tell the regulator about side effects reported in studies looking at the specific uses for which the drug has a marketing authorisation. Because the use of paroxetine in children was ‘off-label’, GSK had no legal obligation at the time to tell anyone about what it had found.

      People had worried for a long time that paroxetine might