Thoughts on African Colonization. Garrison William Lloyd

brothers and sisters – let that be – but here is a box of sugar plums – do pray give them one or two now and then." The American Colonization Society says practically to the slaveholders and the slave party in the United States, "We don't want to prevent your plundering 2,000,000 of our fellow subjects of their liberty and of the fruits of their toil; although we know that by every principle of law which does not utterly disgrace us by assimilating us to pirates, that they have as good and as true a right to the equal protection of the law as we have; and although we ourselves stand prepared to die, rather than submit even to a fragment of the intolerable load of oppression to which we are subjecting them – yet never mind – let that be – they have grown old in suffering, and we in iniquity – and we have nothing to do now but to speak peace, peace to one another in our sins. But if any of their masters, whether from benevolence, an awakened conscience, or political or personal fear, should emancipate any, let us send them to Liberia – that is, in fact, let us give a sugar plum here and there to a few, while the many are living and dying unredressed – and while we are thus countenancing the atrocious iniquity beneath which they are perishing." In this aspect I find the American Colonization Society declaring itself a substitute for emancipation, and it is in this aspect that I contend with it, and that I proclaim it, as far as it has this character, no farther, a bane to the colored people, whether enslaved or free, and a snare and a disgrace to its country.'

      The second article of the Constitution of this Society is in the following language:

      'The object to which its attention is to be exclusively directed, is to promote and execute a plan for colonizing (with their consent) the free people of color residing in our country, in Africa, or such other place as Congress shall deem most expedient. And the Society shall act, to effect this object, in co-operation with the General Government, and such of the States as may adopt regulations upon the subject.'

      The following citations abundantly sustain the charge, that the Society has not swerved from its original design, and does not oppose the system of slavery:

      'Whilst he was up, he would detain the Society for a few moments. It was proper again and again to repeat, that it was far from the intention of the Society to affect, in any manner, the tenure by which a certain species of property is held. He was himself a slaveholder; and he considered that kind of property as inviolable as any other in the country. He would resist as soon, and with as much firmness, encroachments upon it as he would encroachments upon any other property which he held. Nor was he disposed even to go as far as the gentleman who had just spoken, (Mr Mercer) in saying that he would emancipate his slaves, if the means were provided of sending them from the country.' – [Speech of Henry Clay. – First Annual Report.]

      'It was proper and necessary distinctly to state, that he understood it constituted no part of the object of this meeting, to touch or agitate in the slightest degree, a delicate question, connected with another portion of the colored population of our country. It was not proposed to deliberate upon or consider at all, any question of emancipation, or that which was connected with the abolition of slavery. It was upon that condition alone, he was sure, that many gentlemen from the South and West, whom he saw present, had attended, or could be expected to co-operate. It was upon that condition only, that he himself had attended.' – [Speech of Mr Clay before the Society, Jan. 1, 1818. – Second Annual Report.]

      'It had been properly observed by the chairman, as well as by the gentleman from this District (Messrs Clay and Caldwell) that there was nothing in the proposition submitted to consideration which in the smallest degree touched another very important and delicate question, which ought to be left as much out of view as possible, (Negro slavery.) * * * Mr R. concluded by saying, that he had thought it necessary to make these remarks, being a slaveholder himself, to shew, that, so far from being connected with the abolition of slavery, the measure proposed would prove one of the greatest securities to enable the master to keep in possession his own property.' – [Speech of John Randolph at the same meeting.]

      'Your committee would not thus favorably regard the prayer of the memorialists, if it sought to impair, in the slightest degree, the rights of private property, or the yet more sacred rights of personal liberty, secured to every description of freemen in the United States.

      'The resolution of the legislature of Virginia, the subsequent acts and declarations, as well as the high character of the memorialists themselves, added to the most obvious interest of the states who have recently sanctioned the purpose, or recognized the existence of the American Colonization Society, exclude the remotest apprehension of such injustice and inhumanity.'

      – [Report of the committee of the House of Representatives of the United States, on the memorial of the President and Board of Managers of the Colonization Society. – Second Annual Report.]

      'An effort for the benefit of the blacks, in which all parts of the country can unite, of course must not have the abolition of slavery for its immediate object. Nor may it aim directly at the instruction of the blacks. In either case, the prejudices and terrors of the slaveholding States would be excited in a moment; and with reason too, for it is a well-established point, that the public safety forbids either the emancipation or the general instruction of the slaves.' * * * 'It [African Colonization] is an enterprise in which all parts of the country can unite. The grand objection to every other effort is, that it excites the jealousies and fears of the south. But here is an effort in which the southern people are the first to engage, and which numbers many of their most distinguished men among its advocates and efficient supporters.' – [Review of the Reports of the Society, from the Christian Spectator. – Seventh Annual Report.]

      'It will be seen at home and abroad, that the American Colonization Society, while it properly enough stands aloof from the question of slavery, and the abolition of slavery,' &c. – [Report of William McKenney. – Eighth Annual Report.]

      'The objects of this institution are well known to the world; for no concealment whatever has ever been intended. The Society aims at the removal of free persons of color; it interferes, in no way whatever, with the rights of property.' – [Speech of G. W. Custis, Esq. – Ninth Annual Report.]

      'We are reproached with doing mischief by the agitation of this question. The Society goes into no household to disturb its domestic tranquillity; it addresses itself to no slaves to weaken their obligations of obedience. It seeks to affect no man's property.' – [Speech of Mr Clay. – Tenth Annual Report.]

      'The Committee to whom was referred the memorial of the American Colonization Society, have had the subject under consideration, and now report:

      'That upon due consideration of the said memorial, and from all other information which your committee has obtained, touching that subject, they are fully satisfied that no jealousies ought to exist, on the part of this or any other slaveholding State, respecting the objects of this Society, or the effects of its labors.' – [Report of a committee of the Legislature of Delaware, Feb. 8th, 1827.]

      'The Society has reiterated the declaration that it has no ulterior views diverse from the object avowed in the constitution; and having declared that it is in nowise allied to any Abolition Society in America or elsewhere, is ready whenever there is need to pass a censure upon such Societies in America.' – [Speech of Mr Harrison of Virginia. – Eleventh Annual Report.]

      'We have the same interests in this subject with our southern brethren – the same opportunity of understanding it, and of knowing with what care and prudence it should be approached. What greater pledge can we give for the moderation and safety of our measures than our own interests as slaveholders, and the ties that bind us to the slaveholding communities to which we belong?' – [Speech of Mr Key. – Same Report.]

      'The second objection may be resolved into this; that the Society, under the specious pretext of removing a vicious and noxious population, is secretly undermining the rights of private property. This is the objection expressed in its full force, and if your memorialists could for a moment believe it to be true in point of fact, they would never, slaveholders as they are, have associated themselves together for the purpose of co-operating with the Parent Society; and far less would they have appeared in the