Название | Prohibition of Interference. Book 2. Tactical Level |
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Автор произведения | Макс Глебов |
Жанр | |
Серия | Prohibition of Interference |
Издательство | |
Год выпуска | 2019 |
isbn |
“I know that, Comrade Beria. And what can you say about the role of Generals Muzychenko and Ponedelin in the deaths of the 6th and 12th Armies?”
“The Southern Front command entrusted Ponedelin to lead the breakthrough of encircled armies from the Uman battlefield. Without trying to absolve him of the blame for the failure of the operation, I am forced to clarify that the leadership of the Southern Front did not notify the encircled troops about the change in the situation and the fact that the 18th Army had left Pervomaysk. Therefore, the tasks that Ponedelin set for the strike groups, could not provide a real breakthrough of the encirclement ring, even if successfully accomplished.”
“But Muzychenko made it through. So there was an opportunity.”
“Lieutenant General Muzychenko did not have the task of leading his army out of the encirclement, Comrade Stalin. Ponedelin fully concentrated in his hands the leadership of the operation. Muzychenko was ordered to reach the Southern Front troops and coordinate their actions with the efforts of the encircled armies. He accomplished the first part of the task, even though our troops were no longer at Pervomaysk, and his column had to break through further. But there was nobody to coordinate efforts with – all strike groups of Ponedelin were defeated, and the commander of the 12th Army himself surrendered, and now the Germans are scattering this over the positions of our troops by planes,” Beria took a leaflet out of the folder and put it on the table.
Stalin picked up this piece of paper. A photograph in which General Ponedelin stood surrounded by German officers, framed by text, was printed on it.
“The Germans urge the Red Army men to surrender, Comrade Stalin, and they cite Ponedelin as an example. All the signs of betrayal are there. The commander of the 12th Army could not organize the breakthrough, delayed the decision to start it, and did not find the strength to complete his duty to the Soviet Motherland.”
Stalin looked at the leaflet for a while, then put it aside and looked around again.
“I think everything with Ponedelin is very clear, comrades. There is an opinion that the traitor should be tried and given a fair sentence according to the strictest wartime standards. Although he is a prisoner of war, the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court can sentence him in absentia. This will be a good lesson for cowards and deserters running to the enemy.”
Beria nodded and made a note in his notebook.
“And what do you think, comrades, about the fate of the commander of the Sixth Army, General Muzychenko?”
“Allow me to speak now, Comrade Stalin,” Budyonny asked to speak, and, after waiting for the leader's approving nod, he continued, “Muzychenko did his job, and he did it well. He carried out the orders he received. His headquarters reached our troops in almost full force. He carried the banner of the Sixth Army out of the pocket. The breakthrough from the encirclement took place in an organized manner and caused serious damage to the enemy in manpower and equipment. I saw pictures of the defeated German unit that was chasing the headquarters column, there are plenty of other episodes, for which, in other circumstances, both the commander and many of his subordinates would have been rewarded. He did not decide on the direction and timing of the breakthrough of the main forces – so he should not be responsible for it.”
Stalin lifted his pipe to his lips thoughtfully and began to walk around the office again.
“There is one more important point, Comrade Stalin,” Beria spoke again, “Comrade Budyonny very correctly described the purely military part of the matter, but there is also a moral-political side to this problem. The breakthrough of the staff column, along with the banner and the commander, gives us the opportunity to re-form the Sixth Army, and we have every right to assert internationally that we lost only General Ponedelin's army in the pocket. A total of almost 15,000 men broke out of the encirclement near Uman. They can become the basis on which to recreate the army of Muzychenko.”
“I will support you in this matter, Comrade Beria," Stalin nodded, taking his seat at the table again. Invite Lieutenant-General Muzychenko to see me, and consider what else, except a show trial of the former commander Ponedelin, we can do to prevent cases of cowardice and treason in the leadership of our armies.”
The Hauptmann was immediately taken away for interrogation at headquarters, but we were also immediately spoken to because we had just returned from the near German rear. A representative of the army headquarters marked on the map what we managed to see at the Kremenchuk bridgehead.
“Here, here and here, we saw some pretty big dugouts,” I showed the officer. “Most likely, they are warehouses. What is stored in them, we couldn't find out – the task was different.”
The lieutenant colonel was nodding and marking, and Shcheglov was looking at me sideways, but did not interfere. He didn't see any dugouts himself, although I mentioned them a couple of times.
“There are temporary piers on the shore, which are apparently camouflaged and not used during the day. We saw such landing points in two places, here and here,” I pointed again on the map.
“The Germans built a pontoon bridge to this island. There is a continuous movement of equipment and troops through it.”
“Where did this data come from?” The Lieutenant Colonel took his eyes off the map and looked at me carefully. “You weren't there, Junior Lieutenant.”
“I was relatively close by when I grabbed Hauptmann's boat and heard the creaking of the boardwalk and the sound of truck engines, approaching from the west bank. You can check with the prisoner, Comrade Lieutenant Colonel. He must know this bridge exists – he drove over it before he got on the boat.”
The staff officer nodded, made a note on the map and put a question mark next to it.
“Anything else, Junior Lieutenant?”
“Comrade Lieutenant Colonel, we saw that the Germans have well established the crossing to the bridgehead of infantry units and even light artillery. They do this with boats and rafts, and do just fine without a bridge for this purpose. Nevertheless, the field interrogation of the prisoner showed that engineering units were accumulating on the west bank, as well as everything necessary to build a high-capacity pontoon crossing. Such a bridge can only be needed for tanks and other heavy equipment, which means that the Germans are preparing to move tank divisions to the Kremenchuk bridgehead… ”
“Junior Lieutenant,” the staff officer interrupted me, “so far these are just your fantasies. Do you have any proof of what you say?”
“Comrade Lieutenant Colonel, allow me to report,” Shcheglov intervened.
“I'm listening to you.”
“We have only preliminary observations. We were performing another task and could not be distracted by anything else. To get evidence of the Germans preparing a crossing for tanks, additional reconnaissance is needed.”
“So do the reconnaissance, Captain. You're in command of the reconnaissance company, so you're in charge.”
“The problem is that even if we find evidence of Junior Lieutenant Nagulin's words, the army won't have time to do anything. With the equipment that the Germans have already deployed to build the crossing, they will manage to build the bridge in a few days, if not a day, and then they will move the tanks to the bridgehead in one night.”
“Captain, you seem to have caught your subordinate's fantasies,” grinned the Lieutenant Colonel, but he continued to look at us very carefully. “I don't understand what you want from me yet.”
“Ten minutes of your time, Comrade Lieutenant Colonel. We are ready to lay out a plan for a reconnaissance and sabotage raid, but we're going to need artillery support.”
“Don't you have an artillery regiment in your division, Captain? Why do you turn to a representative